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New Paper Posted: "The Guiding Principles of Business and Human Rights at a Crossroads: The State, the Enterprise, and the Spectre of a Treaty to Bind them All"

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(Pix (c) Larry Catá Backer 2014)
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Division stalks the global community of business and human rights, which today appears riven by a fundamental difference of ideology. That community, so apparently united behind the U.N. Guiding Principles for Business and Human Rights in 2011, has today been divided into at least two large schismatic communities. The leftist camp, fundamentally formalist, conventionally statist (ironic critique HERE) and traditionalist, would like to see progress toward a governance framework for the management of the human rights affecting behaviors of economic enterprises through the development of a multi-lateral and comprehensive treaty (subject to the usual reservations and the vagaries of transposition into national legal orders) for which the Guiding Principles provided an initial first step.  The rightist camp, fundamentally functionalist, polycentric  and transnational in approach would prefer to work through multiple coordinated and coherent governance structures to produce a comprehensive weaving together of legal and societally constituted governance frameworks under the aegis of the Guiding Principles.

These two ideologically distinct traditions have affected most discussion of enterprise of business and human rights, even within the context of the Guiding Principles tripartite divisions among state duty to protect, corporate responsibility to respect, and joint obligation to provide remedies for interference with human rights. But more importantly, they affect in fundamental ways, the discussion of the most useful approach to moving forward the project of business and human rights. 

I consider some of these issues, especially as they relate to the current battles over the form and primacy of various alternative models for structuring rules for managing the human rights behaviors of enterprises (including states engaging in economic activity) in a new paper just posted  to the Social Science Research Network (SSRN),  The Guiding Principles of Business and Human Rights at a Crossroads: The State, the Enterprise, and the Spectre of a Treaty to Bind them All, the abstract and Introduction of which are provided below  Beyond the the difficulties and traps that might derail the project under the current framework, the paper suggests the possibility of convergence of these two distinct ideological camps--moving toward the articulation of the state duty to protect human rights through a treaty building project that in the aggregate will produce the comprehensive public law approach  sought by leftists, while at the same invigorating the irrepressible project of enterprise societally constituted governance that is at the heart of the corporate responsibility to respect human rights.



The Guiding Principles of Business and Human Rights at a Crossroads: The State, the Enterprise, and the Spectre of a Treaty to Bind them All
Larry Catá Backer

Abstract: This article considers the issues emerging from the front lines of these battlegrounds—all framed by the GPs. It specifically considers three such battleground campaigns: (1) the conceptualization of the state duty to protect human rights through the framing of national action plans, (2) the operationalization of the corporate responsibility to respect human rights through the framing of societally constituted reporting and assessment programs, and (3) the re-invention of the GP project as an expression of two dimensional internationalized state power and its challenge to the GP’s three dimensional project. In Section II, which follows, this article first considers the quite thorny issue of the way states might approach their obligations to protect human rights as elaborated most recently in the GPs. Using the framework of National Action Plans recently encouraged by the UN Working Group on the issue of human rights and transnational corporations and other business enterprises, the section suggests that these plans, and the approach undertaken by many states to implement the GPs may be misdirected. In Section III, the article turns to a consideration of the equally thorny issue of the way enterprises might approach their obligations to respect human rights under the GPs. To that end it considers the quite promising framework, the Human Rights Reporting and Assurance Frameworks Initiative (RAFI) Project, and the recent efforts of the World Federation of Exchanges’ (WFE) new sustainability working group to consider an Investor Listing Standards Proposal. This section suggests that while both represents an essential advance in the project of providing a usable framework for practicing respect for human rights, though both exhibit deficiencies that point to the weaknesses of the operationalization of the corporate responsibility to respect human rights. Both the NAP framework and the RAFI process can be most usefully understood as mapping projects preliminary to the hard substantive work of constructing rule of law norms in the legal and societal spheres. That foundation becomes critical for the heart of the article’s analysis in Section IV, which considers the return, in a brief and preliminary way, the embrace by the UN Human Rights Council of two related but quite distinct treaty making projects that seek to replace or supplement the GPs with a treaty based system. This effort represents both a culmination of the GP process and an effort to return to the state of things before the GP process started. It poses opportunities and dangers that are explored. The article proposes a way in which the move toward treaty making may be integrated with the GPs state duty to protect prong and the discipline of NAPs and may help to frame interactions with the corporate responsibility. The current efforts to develop a treaty for business and human rights, then, might be most usefully understood and applied in this light—to use the treaty machinery to construct a well-integrated, long term, and ultimately comprehensive rule of law system for business and human rights, binding on all states, which can serve as a means of connection with the development of transnational business behavior norms that fall within the social (non-state) sphere. Together these three efforts suggest the current context of the project of business and human rights, a context in which the role of state, enterprise and international community remains fluid, contingent and undefined. The choices made by each of these critical players will determine the shape of business and human rights governance systems for some time to come.

I. Introduction.

On 16 June 2011, the UN Human Rights Council endorsed[1] Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (the “GPs”)[2] for implementing the UN “Protect, Respect and Remedy” Framework.[3] Developed under the mandate of John Ruggie as Special Representative to the UN Secretary General on Human Rights and Transnational Corporations and Other Business Enterprises, the GPs provide – for the first time – a global standard for preventing and addressing the risk of adverse impacts on human rights linked to business activity.[4] The Guiding Principles are framed as three related governance regimes--a 1st Pillar state duty to protect human rights, a 2nd Pillar corporate responsibility to respect human rights, and a 3rd Pillar obligation to provide effective remedies for breaches of human rights.[5] These pillars

are grounded in recognition of (a) states' existing obligations to respect, protect and fulfill human rights and fundamental freedoms; (b) the role of business enterprises as specialized organs of society performing specialized functions, requiring to comply with all applicable laws and to respect human rights; and (c) the need for rights and obligations to be matched to appropriate and effective remedies when breached.[6]

Since its endorsement, the GPS have become an important standard by which to frame business and human rights discourse, and the values that they represent.[7] This has not always been viewed as a positive development,[8] especially by those who would have preferred a formal treaty mechanism[9] in place of the “soft” law polycentric approach of the GPs.[10] The conventional view among these constituencies is that the GPs, at best, serve as little more than a starting point for the attainment of agendas, usually clothed in the formalities of international law frameworks along traditional lines.[11] As a consequence, from its inception, the GPs have occupied a contentious and dynamic space[12]—at once setting the framework for operationalization of regimes of business and human rights by states and enterprises, and simultaneously posing as either as a gateway or obstacle to the production of international law and national legal regulation of the activities of business enterprises.[13]

This article considers the issues emerging from the front lines of these battlegrounds—all framed by the GPs. It specifically considers three such battleground campaigns: (1) the conceptualization of the state duty to protect human rights through the framing of national action plans, (2) the operationalization of the corporate responsibility to respect human rights through the framing of societally constituted reporting and assessment programs, and (3) the re-invention of the GP project as an expression of two dimensional internationalized state power and its challenge to the GP’s three dimensional project. The first looks to these front line battles in the context of three distinct

In Section II, which follows, this article first considers the quite thorny issue of the way states might approach their obligations to protect human rights as elaborated most recently in the GPs. Using the framework of National Action Plans recently encouraged by the UN Working Group on the issue of human rights and transnational corporations and other business enterprises, the section suggests that these plans, and the approach undertaken by many states to implement the GPs may be misdirected. Rather than focusing on inward discipline, transparency, and cohesion of domestic law and policy, states have tended to focus outward on efforts to regulate the corporate responsibility to respect human rights. In the process they ignore one of the most important elements of the state duty to protect human rights--the obligations of states to get their own governmental houses in order and to minimize governance and remedial gaps within the architecture of state power. The section concludes that national action plans may provide useful vehicles for states to conduct internal human rights due diligence and to build a sound governmental (and inter-governmental) foundation on which the management of the human rights behaviors of business might be most effectively undertaken. That might suggest that NAPs to focus on transparent and accessible human rights law and policy mapping, on the articulation of human rights sensitive governance operations for state owned enterprises and adequate contractual oversight of enterprises performing traditional governmental functions, and the appropriate management of sovereign investment (both internally in development and externally in foreign projects and markets).

In Section III, the article turns to a consideration of the equally thorny issue of the way enterprises might approach their obligations to respect human rights under the GPs. To that end it considers the quite promising framework, the Human Rights Reporting and Assurance Frameworks Initiative (RAFI) Project,[14] and the recent efforts of the World Federation of Exchanges’ (WFE) new sustainability working group to consider an Investor Listing Standards Proposal.[15] The RAFI project represents an effort to provide guidance to companies that may be committed to better demonstrate their alignment with the GPs.[16] The Exchange based sustainability reporting seeks to provide a basis for the routinization of sustainability or ESG (environmental, social and governance) reporting as part of listing requirements for exchanges.[17] This section suggests that while both represents an essential advance in the project of providing a usable framework for practicing respect for human rights, the project remains a work in progress. Some areas that require continued attention. Among the most important are objectives based (neither can be all things to all stakeholders, and the effort to make it so make dissipate its usefulness). As important, to the extent that they seek to be used as a culture-changing project, these cultural components will have to be aligned to corporate interests more directly. Moreover, to the extent either can be understood as a mapping project, its structures may require some fine-tuning. Lastly, operationalization in the societal constitutional sphere always runs the danger of heroic instrumentalization, especially the danger of embracing a heroic approach to human rights reporting. The work of creating cultures of human rights sensitivities as a core basis of corporate culture requires fewer heroes and many more ordinary people who perform their roles in corporate operations without regarding the human rights sensitive portions of their work as "special" or extraordinary" or somehow not an ordinary part of their work. It is to that end that RAFI and Exchange reporting systems might judge its effectiveness as a vehicle for internal discipline and external disclosure. In that context the RAFI framework construct might be usefully understood as a prequel to the harder task of building a rule of law (non-state based) system of rules for the disciplining of business conduct with human rights detrimental effects in the social sphere. Its key value, then, is as a mapping exercise rather than as anything like a due diligence manual. And in that respect, RAFI responds to the same impulse, and ought to respond in the same way, as the Working Group’s construction of sound NAP frameworks, also as self-reflexive mapping projects on which action and governance decisions may be made.

Lastly, Section IV considers the return of a most thorny issue indeed—a return to the ideological multilateral nationalism of the 1970s,[18] a return to the state, and a potential broadening of the schism between states that understand economic, social and cultural rights as a predicate for civil and political rights, and those which are convinced that civil ands political rights are the predicate and framework through which economic, social and political rights may be realized. To that end it considers, in a brief and preliminary way, the embrace by the UN Human Rights Council of two related but quite distinct treaty making projects. One, signaling a victory for the tenacity of Ecuador produced a vote to “establish an open-ended intergovernmental working group on a legally binding instrument on transnational corporations and other business enterprises with respect to human rights, the mandate of which shall be to elaborate an international legally binding instrument to regulate, in international human rights law, the activities of transnational corporations and other business enterprises.”[19] This is an effort that has been criticized prominently by John Ruggie.[20] The other was adoption of a resolution, sponsored by Norway, sought to move multilateral treaty efforts back within the architecture of the GP.[21] Specifically it directed the U.N. mechanism currently charged with the elaboration of the GPs to prepare a report considering, among other things, the benefits and limitations of legally binding instruments.[22] These efforts have been interpreted by their respective proponents as a natural progression from the 2011 endorsement of the GPs. But each considers the efforts of the other as a rupture in that progression. Treaty proponents view resistance to their efforts as a means of sabotaging the necessary progression to the legal framework for the regulation of corporate conduct that would expose upstream corporate entities to liability well downstream in the supply chain.[23]

The article ends by proposing that the current move toward developing comprehensive treaty instruments for business and human rights may be understood in context and harmonized with the GP process. Fashioning a comprehensive treaty might be most usefully understood and applied as an important movement forward to use the treaty machinery to construct a well-integrated, long term, and ultimately comprehensive rule of law system for business and human rights. Business and human rights treaties can help construct an international rule of law system binding on all states in equal measure, and which can serve as a means of connection with the development of transnational business behavior norms that fall within the social (non-state) sphere. Together, then, these three efforts suggest the possibilities and dangers of the current context of the project of business and human rights, a context in which the role of state, enterprise and international community remains fluid, contingent and undefined. Indeed, the paths taken by international and national stakeholders in the construction of governance systems across these governance frameworks since 2011 suggest both the power of the logic of the GP framework, and its frailty. The choices made by each of these critical players—states, enterprises and international organizations—will determine the shape of business and human rights governance systems for some time to come.


NOTES

[1] The Human Rights Council endorsed the Guiding Principles in its resolution 17/4 of 16 June 2011.

[2] United Nations Office of the High Commissioner, Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights HR/PUB/11/04 (New York and Geneva, 2011). Available http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Publications/GuidingPrinciplesBusinessHR_EN.pdf.

[3] The Special Representative annexed the Guiding Principles to his final report to the Human Rights Council (A/HRC/17/31), which also includes an introduction to the Guiding Principles and an overview of the process that led to their development. See, Report of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on the issue of human rights and transnational corporations and other business enterprises, John Ruggie Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights: Implementing the United Nations “Protect, Respect and Remedy” Framework, Human Rights Council, Seventeenth session, Agenda item 3, Promotion and protection of all human rights, civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights, including the right to development A/HRC/17/31 (21 March 2011). Available http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Issues/Business/A-HRC-17-31_AEV.pdf.

[4] Discussed in John G. Ruggie, Just Business: Multinational Corporations and Human Rights (WW Norton, 2013).

[5] John R. Ruggie, Protect, Respect and Remedy: A Framework for Business and Human Rights. Geneva: Human Rights Council, Eighth session, Agenda item 3, UN Doc A/HRC/8/5 (2008).

[6] GP General Principles.

[7]“The Guiding Principles establish an authoritative global standard on the respective roles of businesses and governments in helping ensure that companies respect human rights in their own operations and through their business relationships. . . . The Guiding Principles have played a key role in the development of similar standards by other international and regional organizations, leading to global convergence around the standards they set out.” Developing Guidance on the Corporate Responsibility to Respect Human Rights in the Employment & Recruitment Agencies, Information & Communications Technology, and Oil & Gas Sectors, Instyitutte for Human Rights and Business available http://www.ihrb.org/project/eu-sector-guidance/un-guiding-principles.html.

[8]“The GPs were warmly greeted by business representatives, but less so by the non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and other civil society groups represented in the HRC:” Carlos López, “The Ruggie Process: From Legal Obligations to Corporate Social Responsibility?, in Human Rights Obligations of Business: Beyond the Corporate Responsibility to Respect? (Surya Deva and David Bilchitz, eds., Cambridge University Press, 2013) 58-77.

[9] See, e.g., See, "Joint Civil Society Statement on the draft Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights" [PDF], 14 Jan 2011 available http://www.fidh.org/IMG/pdf/Joint_CSO_Statement_on_GPs.pdf and discussion in David Bilchitz, “A Chasm Between ‘is’ and ‘Ought’? A Critique of the normative foundations of the SRSG’s Framework and the Guiding Principles, in Human Rights Obligations of Business: Beyond the Corporate Responsibility to Respect? (Surya Deva and David Bilchitz, eds., Cambridge University Press, 2013) 107-137.

[10] Discussed in Larry Catá Backer, The United Nations’ “Protect, Respect, and Remedy” Human Rights Project: On Operationalizing a Global Framework for the Regulation of Transnational Corporations, 9 Santa Clara J. Int’l Law 9:37 (2011); and Larry Catá Backer, “From Institutional Misalignments to Socially Sustainable Governance: The Guiding Principles for the Implementation of the United Nation’s “Protect, Respect and Remedy” and the Construction of Inter-Systemic Global Governance,” Pacific McGeorge Global Business & Development Law Journal 25(1):69-171 (2012).

[11] See, e.g., discussion in Robert C. Blitt, “Beyond Ruggie’s Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights: Charting an Embracing Approach to Corporate Human Rights Compliance, Texas International Law Journal 48:33-62 (2012).

[12] Cf. Bryan Horrigan, Corporate Social Responsibility in the 21st Century: Debates, Models and Practices Across Government, Law and Business (Edward Elgar, 2010).

[13] See, e.g., Tagi Sagafi-Nejad, Tagi, The UN and Transnational Corporations: From Code of Conduct to Global Compact (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press (2008)); Mahmood Monshipouri, Claude Emerson Welch, Evan T. Kennedy, Multinational Corporations and the Ethics of Global Responsibility: Problems and Possibilities, Human Rights Quarterly 25(4):965-89 (2003). Issue discussed in Larry Catá Backer, “An Institutional Role for Civil Society within the U.N. Guiding Principles?: Comments on César Rodríguez-Garavito and Tatiana Andia ‘Business and Human Rights: Beyond the End of the Beginning’” (March 11, 2014) paper presented at Conference, Implementing the UN’s Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights: A South-Initiated North-South Dialogue Brown University, February 20-22, 2014. Available at SSRN: http://ssrn.com/abstract=2407787 or http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2407787.

[14] See, The Business And Human Rights Reporting And Assurance Frameworks Initiative (“RAFI”) Project Framing Document, November 2013

[15] See Ceres, Investor Listing Standards Proposal: Recommendations for Stock Exchange Requirements on Corporate Sustainability Reporting (March 2014). Available http://www.ceres.org/resources/reports/investor-listing-standards-proposal-recommendations-for-stock-exchange-requirements-on-corporate-sustainability-reporting.

[16] RAFI’s developers’ note:

As these dynamics develop, the question arises as to what good reporting on company alignment with the UN Guiding Principles – and good assurance of such reports – should involve. RAFI aims to help answer this question. The proposed reporting and assurance frameworks will be public, meaning that they will be non-proprietary and publicly available to all companies and assurance providers to use in their work. They are intended to be relevant to, and viable for, all companies and auditors/assurance providers in any region, and to dovetail with existing reporting initiatives.

The Business And Human Rights Reporting And Assurance Frameworks Initiative (“RAFI”) Project Framing Document, November 2013, p. 5.

[17] Ceres, Investor Listing Standards Proposal, supra., pp. 8 et seq.

[18] See, Theodore H. Moran. The United Nations and Transnational Corporations: A Review and A Perspective, Transnational Corporations 18(2):91-112 (2009).

[19] Elaboration of an international legally binding instrument on transnational corporations and other business enterprises with respect to human rights, Human Rights Council, Twenty-sixth session, Agenda item 3, Promotion and protection of all human rights, civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights, including the right to development, A/HRC/26/L.22/Rev.1 (25 June 2014). The resolution was sponsored by Bolivia, Cuba, Ecuador, South Africa, and Venezuela.

[20] John G. Ruggie, Issues Brief: A UN Business and Human Rights Treaty? (28 Jan. 29014). Available http://business-humanrights.org/sites/default/files/media/documents/ruggie-on-un-business-human-rights-treaty-jan-2014.pdf.

[21] Human Rights and Transnational Corporations and Other Business Enterprises, Human Rights Council, Twenty-sixth session, Agenda item 3, Promotion and protection of all human rights, civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights, including the right to development, A/HRC/26/L.1 (23 June 2014).

[22] Id.

[23]“Now is the time to join the chorus of global civil society calling for new strong international law and send the right message that powerful corporations must not violate human rights.” Friends of the Earth Europe calls on EU to stop sabotaging UN action against corporate human rights abuses, Treaty Alliance, 25 June 2014. Available http://treatymovement.com/.

“Cuba’s Perplexing Changes” Annual Meeting of the Association for the Study of the Cuban Economy

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The Association for the Study of the Cuban Economy (ASCE) will hold its 24th annual meeting to discuss and evaluate the economic changes introduced in Cuba in recent years. The two and-a-half day conference will take place July 31st to August 2nd at the Hilton Miami Downtown Hotel, 1601 Biscayne Boulevard.


 

Panels will include discussions on the political and social implications of economic changes in Cuba, the new foreign investment law, the Mariel port project, property rights, labor rights, exchange rate policies, medical service exports, housing and sustainable development, political opposition, civil society, entrepreneurship, and self-employment. 

In addition to presentations by renowned experts members of ASCE and other distinguished participants, a record number of participants will come from Cuba. In all, over one hundred Cuba experts will present on a wide variety of topics. 

Accredited journalists are welcome and are asked to register in advance, their conference fee will be waived upon registration. (Those wishing to partake of the optional official luncheon of Friday June 31st are expected to cover the $50 cost.).  Graduate and undergraduate students are invited to register for a highly discounted fee of $25. 

The Association for the Study of the Cuban Economy is a non-profit, non-political organization incorporated in Maryland in 1990 affiliated to the American Economic Association and the Allied Social Sciences Association. Its primary mission is to study the transition to a free market economy and open society in Cuba as well as to promote scholarship, research, and publications. The organization supports a wide range of research primarily focused on economic developments, but also pertaining to social, legal, political, demographic, and environmental issues.

For information on ASCE, including the conference program and pre-registration forms, please visit www.ascecuba.org  

For a view of the Conference Program go to
Contact:
Ted Henken at t_henken@yahoo.com  (718)490-7555

New Paper Posted: "The Cuban Communist Party at the Center of Political and Economic Reform: Current Status and Future Reform in the Shadow of the Chinese Communist Party"

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(Pix (c) Larry Catá Backer 2014)

I will be presenting a paper at the Association for the Study of the Cuban Economy (ASCE) 24th annual meeting. Information about the ASCE meeting may be found HERE. The presentation will be made for a plenary panel discussing "Cuba's Reforms: Status and Prospects."

The paper, The Cuban Communist Party at the Center of Political and Economic Reform: Current Status and Future Reform in the Shadow of the Chinese Communist Party, entitled, will focus on the issue of the ideological constraints on economic reform. But it will consider ideological issues from within the Marxist-Leninist foundations of the Cuban state rather than from a perspective, all too common, that uses economic analysis of Cuba to advance "transition to democratic free market government" objectives.

The thesis, though, is no less critical: (1) Variations in Marxist ideology matter (no monolithic communist ideology), (2) sustainable economic reform is possible within a Marxist Leninist State-Party system, and (3) ideological systemic ossification in Cuba, as in the United States, can lead to crisis and paralysis. It is in that context that one considers the questions: does the Chinese model provide a framework for Cuba? Is it too late for reform of the Cuba CP? If reform is possible, what should be its objectives and strategies? To answer these questions Cuba might do well to consider the Chinese path toward constructing Socialist Democracy and Socialist modernization. The argument I will advance is that Cuban economic reforms have not been as successfully implemented as they might be not because the Cuban government is too Marxist-Leninist, but instead because the Cuban government and its Communist Party is not Marxist enough. My suggestion is for correction by considering the application of the Chinese socialist path to the conditions of Cuba if Cuba means to open up while retaining its Marxist-Leninist political organization.

The Abstract and Introduction follow.

The paper may be accessed HERE.

The PowerPoint may be accessed HERE.



The Cuban Communist Party at the Center of Political and Economic Reform: Current Status and Future Reform in the Shadow of the Chinese Communist Party

Larry Catá Backer[1]



Abstract: No consideration of "Cuba's Perplexing Changes," its focus on internal reforms and impact on the Cuban economy, can be complete without a study of the Cuban Communist Party (PCC), especially in comparative perspective. The thesis of this essay is that ideology is decisively important in any discussion of “reform” in Cuba. Western analysts have sought to subsume ideological issues within “transition” arguments—that ideological issues will evaporate once Cuba makes the jump from a Marxist-Leninist planned economy model to a Western oriented free market democracy. This essay argues that the inverse provides a more useful way of understanding the situation in Cuba and the choices that it faces. The ideological basis of state organization provides the key to understanding the likelihood of the success of reforms to any of the sectors of state policy. The PCC’s now quite mature ideological framework has helped shape, and constrain, both its approach to the construction and operation of its Party and state apparatus, but also all of its efforts to “reform” or develop its economic, social or political model. Yet the tensions created by these contradictions between PCC ideology and the conditions of Cuba need not lead invariably to a choice between Marxist-Leninist and Western style democratic state organization. The Chinese have provided another model, one that is grounded in a distinct approach to Marxist-Leninist ideology that has served the national context well enough to produce a state as stable as most. After the Introduction, Section II, (A) considers the centrality of ideology to the ‘problem’ of Cuba, (B) examines the consequences for Cuba of the choice, made by its vanguard party, to follow a distinct path toward the articulation and application of Marxism-Leninism in the organization and exercise of power, (C) examines the direct effect of this ideological framework on the structures of the Cuban Party and state, (D) assesses the consequential effects of ideology on the shape and scope of reforms, (E) argues that Marxist-Leninist ideology, like Western style democracy and markets oriented economic ideology, offers more than one path, and considers more directly, the alternatives offered by the Chinese path, and (F) weighs the consequences of the quality of the transition that is coming to Cuba, one that need not lead Cuba away from Marxist-Leninism and a Party-State system. Each is considered in turn in light of the essay’s thesis: Variations in Marxist ideology matter (no monolithic communist ideology), sustainable economic reform is possible within a Marxist Leninist State-Party system, and that ideological systemic ossification in Cuba, as in the United States, can lead to crisis and paralysis. It is in that context that one considers the questions: does the Chinese model provide a framework for Cuba? Is it too late for reform of the Cuba CP? If reform is possible, what should be its objectives and strategies?

__________


I. Introduction.



In the Spring of 2014 the Cuban State announced the adoption, by the Cuban legislature, the Asamblea Nacional del Poder Popular de Cubana (ANPP), of a new foreign direct investment law.[2] Many of the details implementing the new regulatory regime were published almost contemporaneously with the adoption of Ley 118, something unusual suggesting the importance of the measure and the intent of the state in seeing it implemented.[3] The return to the project of facilitating foreign investment came on the heels of a fear of the collapse of the project of socialist regionalism that was founded on Venezuelan oil and regional solidarity by states that sought to develop an integrated state based economy.[4] It was reported in the blogs originating in Cuba[5] that there might well have been an element of necessity at the instance of one of Cuba’s new protector states—Brazil.[6] And there is fear from other side, that as Cuba’s economic desperation grows, its willingness to prostitute its labor force to foreign enterprise will grow with it—to the profit of the Cuban state—even as it continues to refuse to open the non-state sector to Cuban citizens.[7] News of Ley 118 was greeted with guarded praise, and some skepticism, [8] much of which was centered on the approach to implementation.[9]“Will the government establish an investment climate that attracts foreign investments, and a truly transparent bureaucratic process that vets proposals in a prompt timeframe competitive with international standards?”[10]

If history is our guide, the answer will not be wholly positive. Administrative discretion may essentially gut any rule of law aspects of Ley 118, focusing all attention on the discretionary requirements of multiple levels of approval. The vagaries of state policy and its genesis in the somewhat opaque relations between the Cuban Communist Party (PCC) and the state apparatus may substantially affect the application of Ley 118 and its implementation regulations depending on state sectors or the ministries to which approval may be required. The inability of the non-state sector to participate in this influx of capital may substantially weaken efforts to wean the population from dependence on state sector employment. Yet the old central planning template may find a way of re-emerging in the form of oversight rules for the activities of foreign capital.

Blame for these anticipated failings will be placed on the usual suspects—inept and corrupt administration, a nomenklatura jealous of its privileges and power, and the failures of rule of law systems to be respected by a state grounded on the allocation of personal power through fiefdoms, a sort of socialist feudal state where allegiance is personal rather than institutional. Sympathetic critics may be tempted to argue that if only this or that reform were instituted in the structuring of the state apparatus and its operational habits, there would be real progress. This approach suggests that the basic tension lies somewhere in failures of administration. Less sympathetic critics will point to the ideological structures of state organization—its Marxist-Leninist foundation—and argue that the failures of Ley 118, like those of its several predecessor attempts at extracting investment from foreigners, are evidence of the bankruptcy of the Cuban political system. Those failures might only be corrected by the abandonment of the Marxist-Leninist organization of the Cuban state and its embrace of democracy and a variation of free markets ideology currently palatable to the global community.

Both camps would be right—and wrong. The limitations and likely deficiencies of Ley 118 as applied are substantial evidence of systemic failure, failure at the most basic ideological level. This failure reflects the contradictions and tensions inherent in an ideological theory that has now become so disconnected from facts that it cannot produce positive objectives even in the face of crucial need. The system, in effect, is consuming itself. Yet, those ideological failures do not in any way require the abandonment of the Marxist-Leninist foundations of the Cuban state, or the embrace of principles of Western style democratic state organization, much as we in the United States might find this desirable for our own purposes. The problem that the likely failures of Ley 118 highlight are not those of Marxist-Leninist theory or with the viability of a legitimate and democratic (in accordance with its own terms) Party-State system in which political authority remains vested in a “party in power”. Rather they are the problems of a Marxist-Leninist organization has, in its own way, failed to mature and to develop a Marxist-Leninist theory appropriate to its circumstances. The theoretical ossification of Cuban Marxism-Leninism, even with the addition of a half-century of Castro Theory,[11]

No consideration of "Cuba's Perplexing Changes," its focus on internal reforms and impact on the Cuban economy, then, can be complete without a study of the PCC, especially in comparative perspective. The thesis of this essay is that ideology is decisively important in any discussion of “reform” in Cuba. Western analysts have sought to subsume ideological issues within “transition” arguments—that ideological issues will evaporate once Cuba makes the jump from a Marxist-Leninist planned economy model to a Western oriented free market democracy. This essay argues that the inverse provides a more useful way of understanding the situation in Cuba and the choices that it faces. The ideological basis of state organization provides the key to understanding the likelihood of the success of reforms to any of the sectors of state policy. The PCC’s now quite mature ideological framework has helped shape, and constrain, both its approach to the construction and operation of its Party and state apparatus, but also all of its efforts to “reform” or develop its economic, social or political model.

Yet the tensions created by these contradictions between PCC ideology and the conditions of Cuba need not lead invariably to a choice between Marxist-Leninist and Western style democratic state organization. The Chinese have provided another model, one that is grounded in a distinct approach to Marxist-Leninist ideology that has served the national context well enough to produce a state as stable as most. The essay suggests that while it makes no sense for the PCC to blindly copy the CCP model in Cuba, it does make sense for the PCC to consider the Chinese path to Marxist-Leninist state organization and policy and a means of providing a coherent structure to its own reforms compatible with Cuban conditions—that means adopting a quite distinct form of Marxist-Leninist ideology than that which has been the mainstay of the PCC since the 1960s.

After this Introduction, Part II considers the critical role of Marxist Leninist ideology on the formation of Cuban and Chinese Party-State systems and of its importance in constraining the analytical framework within which reform or development is possible. This essay makes six principle points around which it is organized. The focus of the analysis will be on the way in which each organization, and its relationship to the state apparatus is affected by the development of distinct foundational theories of state organization and the role of the Communist Party.

Section II, Part A considers the centrality of ideology to the ‘problem’ of Cuba. In Part B, the essay examines the consequences for Cuba of the choice, made by its vanguard party, to follow a distinct path toward the articulation and application of Marxism-Leninism in the organization and exercise of power. Part C then examines the direct effect of this ideological framework on the structures of the Cuban Party and state. Part D then assesses the consequential effects of ideology on the shape and scope of reforms. Part E then argues that Marxist-Leninist ideology, like Western style democracy and markets oriented economic ideology, offers more than one path, and considers more directly, the alternatives offered by the Chinese path. Lastly, Part F weighs the consequences of the quality of the transition that is coming to Cuba, one that need not lead Cuba away from Marxist-Leninism and a Party-State system. Each is considered in turn in light of the essay’s thesis: Variations in Marxist ideology matter (no monolithic communist ideology), sustainable economic reform is possible within a Marxist Leninist State-Party system, and that ideological systemic ossification in Cuba, as in the United States, can lead to crisis and paralysis. It is in that context that one considers the questions: does the Chinese model provide a framework for Cuba? Is it too late for reform of the Cuba CP? If reform is possible, what should be its objectives and strategies? These question point to a plausible conclusion—Cuba will be undergoing transition—but that transition need not be toward Western style democratic free markets state organization. Instead, Cuba might more easily transition to a more dynamic Marxist-Leninist socialist Markets framework. Either transition will be hard, but the later will be least disruptive.

NOTES:


[1] W. Richard and Mary Eshelman Faculty Scholar & Professor of Law, Professor of International Affairs, Pennsylvania State University. The author may be contacted at lcb911gmail.com. I thank my research assistants, Shaoming Zhu (Penn State University SJD expected) and Shan Gao (Penn State University SJD expected) for their excellent work on this essay. The paper was first presented at Association for the Study of the Cuban Economy 24th Annual Meeting, "Cuba's Perplexing Changes", Miami Florida, July 31, 2014. My thanks to the conference organizers.

[2] Ley No. 118 (Ley de la Inversión Extranjera, April 2014, published in Granma, Tabloide Especial, April 2014 (hereafter “Ley 118”), officially published in the Gaceta Oficial, Gaceta Oficial No. 20 Extraordinaria de 16 de Abril de 2014, pp. 177-189. Available http://www.cubadebate.cu/wp-content/uploads/2014/04/GO_X_20_2014_gaceta-ley-de-inversion-extranjera.pdf.

[3] Ley 118 provided that detailed regulations would be published within 90 days. The Cuban state has tended to treat these deadlines as guidelines. Yet in this case and underlining the importance of this measure, a substantial part of the regulations were in fact published with the law in the Gaceta Oficial in which Ley 118 itself appeared. See Consejo de Ministros, Decreto No. 325, Reglamento de la Ley de la Inversión Extranjera, Gaceta Oficial, Gaceta Oficial No. 20 Extraordinaria de 16 de Abril de 2014, pp. 189-202. Available http://www.cubadebate.cu/wp-content/uploads/2014/04/GO_X_20_2014_gaceta-ley-de-inversion-extranjera.pdf; Banco Central de Cuba Resolución No. 46/2014, Gaceta Oficial, supra, pp. 202-204; Banco Central de Cuba, Resolución 47/2014, Gaceta Oficial supra, pp. 204; Comercio Exterior y la Inversión Extranjera, Resolución 128 de 2014, Gaceta Oficial, supra, pp. 204-240.

[4] Discussed in Larry Catá Backer and Augusto Molina, Cuba and the Construction of Alternative Global Trade Systems: ALBA and Free Trade in the Americas, University of Pennsylvania Journal of International Economic Law 31(3):679-752 (2010). Available at SSRN: http://ssrn.com/abstract=1407705.

[5] On the importance of these sources in Staliniust states, see, Slavoj Zizek, Stalinism, Lacan.com (1997/2007). Available http://www.lacan.com/zizstalin.htm. (“Critics of such hearsay-scholarship had a point. But what few people seem to realize, even now, is that the salient issue might not be the reliability in Stalin's Soviet Union of word of mouth and political divination, but its pervasiveness. Kremlinology arose not at Harvard, but in and around the Kremlin. . . and it was what everyone in the Soviet Union did to a degree, the more so the higher up.”).

[6] It was reported in Cubanet that:

It is rumored that the recent visit of José Ignacio Lula Da Silva to Cuba , concerned about the risk of elevated investments from Brazil and the delay of the government of the Island in updating the Foreign Investment Law, was the definitive touch that made the Cuban cupola decide to push its approval, postponed several times. There are also unofficial rumors about the freezing the Brazilian investments in the Mariel Special Development Zone, and the approval of new credit to the Cuban side, until there are adequate legal safeguards. The agreements are no longer based in solidarity, but rather on purely capitalist financial and commercial relations.

Miriam Celaya, Cuba for Foreigners, Translating Cuba: English Translations of Cuban Bloggers, Havana, March 31, 2014, available http://translatingcuba.com/cuba-for-foreigners-miriam-celaya/ (originally published in the blog Sin Evación, through Cubanet, March 28, 2014) and available http://www.cubanet.org/destacados/cuba-para-los-extranjeros/.

[7] Ibid.

[8] See, e.g., Richard Feinberg, Cuba’s New Investment Law: Open for Business, Brookiungs, April 1, 2014. Available http://www.brookings.edu/blogs/up-front/posts/2014/04/01-cuba-foreign-direct-investment-feinberg.

[9] Ibid (The proof will be in the pudding, and investors will be watching closing for the fine print in the new regulations and, most importantly, for the implementation of the approval process.”).

[10] Ibid.

[11] As used in this paper, Castro Theory refers to the ideological work of Fidel Castro Ruz, and its incorporation into the ruling ideology of the PCC. That Theory would be understood as supplementing Marxist-Leninist Theory as adopted and practiced by Cuba’s mentor state—the Soviet Union. It is thus to be understood as a contextually manifested form of Marxist-Leninist Stalinism, which is the way that it is likely that Castro understood the grounding ideology of the state. Cf., e.g., Larry Catá Backer, Fidel Castro on Deng Xiaoping and Erich Honecker--Understanding the Foundations of Cuban Political and Economic Policy, Law at the End of the Day, Aug. 19, 2012. Available http://lcbackerblog.blogspot.com/2012/08/fidel-castro-on-deng-xiaoping-and-erich.html.

From the U.S. Conference Board: "Proxy Voting Factsheet (July 2014)"; A Useful Data Snapshot

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(Pix (c) Larry Catá Backer 2014)

Our friends at the Conference Board have just released some useful reporting on proxy voting in the United States: Melissa Aguilar,  "Proxy Voting Factsheet (July 2014)".  This  data and analysis provides a window not merely on the usual stuff of corporate governance but also some suggestion of the trends in the use of the corporate machinery for shareholder activism, including activism to further a global business and human rights agenda.

This is the Conference Board Release Statement:
Click here to download the July edition of the Proxy Voting Fact Sheet, a collaboration between The Conference Board and FactSet. (The publication is free of charge, but you may need to register or sign in to download it).


The number of shareholder proposals on the disclosure of corporate political contributions more than doubled in the last 5 years. While the US Securities and Exchange Commission dropped rulemaking on this issue from its list of priorities, investors continue to express concern about a lack of transparency on political spending. This report analyzes annual shareholder meetings held at Russell 3000 companies and shows that investors filed 86 such resolutions in the first half of 2014, compared to 78 in 2013 and 34 during the same period in 2009 (prior to the US Supreme Court’s Citizens United decision). This edition of the Proxy Voting Fact Sheet contains a snapshot of the most relevant proxy season data for Russell 3000 companies that held annual general meetings (AGMs) between January 1 and June 30, 2014. Data is compared with the S&P 500 and analyzed across 20 business sectors.

The Proxy Voting Fact Sheet complements Proxy Voting Analytics, a comprehensive post-season report, and Proxy Voting Data, an online service with daily updates on the subject. In addition to its products on proxy voting, The Conference Board offers a portfolio of benchmarking data and analysis on corporate governance, sustainability, citizenship, and philanthropy.
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HIGHLIGHTS
•  The volume of social/environmental proposals surged, driven primarily by proposals related
to political spending and lobbying, as well as proposals related to climate sustainability and reporting, and human rights.

• High numbers of proposals seeking changes in corporate governance practices, such as separation of the chair/CEO roles, board declassification, majority voting in director elections, and to allow (or ease an existing requirement for) action by written consent reflect efforts to push governance practices adopted by most large cap companies down to mid- and small-cap companies.

• Five proxy access proposals won majority support while four others received support of more than 40 percent of votes cast.

• Proposals seeking to require equity retention periods and to prevent acceleration of vesting of equity awards upon a change in control were the most frequently voted compensation-related topics during the period.

• The overall volume of shareholder proposals submitted during the first half of the year is nearly flat compared with the same period in 2013 although the number of Russell 3000 companies that held meetings was slightly higher suggesting that engagement efforts are paying off.

• Average support for say-on-pay votes is high and consistent with prior years.  However the failed votes during four years of SOP demonstrate that companies with high votes can't assume they'll get overwhelming support the next year, especially if they had poor stock performance or made changes to their pay plans that could be viewed as problematic by investors or proxy advisors.



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"Summary of the Human Rights Council panel discussion on the importance of the promotion and protection of civil society space - Report of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights,"

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I had been writing about the U.N. Human Rights Commission's Management Plan for the next several years.  See, The U.N. Human Rights Commission Issues its "OHCHR Management Plan for 2014-2017"  I had suggested that "The most potentially contentious change appears to be a shift, perhaps modest, from the traditional emphasis on economic and social rights to civil and political rights.  This takes the form of a new emphasis on "widening the democratic space" in states (Management Plan, pp. 73- 83). creating It appears modest because it looks to target "public freedoms, human rights education and the work of human rights defenders and the media" (Management Plan p. 7)." The Management Plan was contextually driven distinguishing its political project in China and Africa, for example. And indeed, much of this work loses something through its inability to embrace the distinctive style of governance in states such as China and to seek to promote the scientific development of its socialist democracy and civil society spaces. 

Building on these efforts the OHCHR has focused on the protection of what it calls a civil society space. To that end, it recently posted its "Summary of the Human Rights Council panel discussion on the importance of the promotion and protection of civil society space -  Report of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights," A/HRC/27/33, 26 June 2014. It may be accessed in Arabic العربية, English, Français, and Español.  

It is interesting that no Chinese translation is available.  Like the Management Plan, much of the discussion suffers from a bias toward the Western baseline.  While that baseline is indeed important and relevant to large parts of the world, it tends to marginalize other systems, particularly those of China. This was a particularly regrettable lapse on the part of the Special Rapporteur (whose remarks are summarized below). This approach was amplified in the discussion of strategies (¶¶67-79) which emphasized the centrality of the International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights ( e.g., "A suggestion was made that the Human Rights Committee prioritize the development of general comments on articles 21 (the right of peaceful assembly) and 22 (the right to freedom of association) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights."¶78).  No effort was made to connect the foundational protections of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights with obligations to maintain civil society spaces--an effort that itself would be worthy of more substantial study. 

It is also regrettable that the statements of many participants were not made available and that many of these were relegated to the U-N- extranet pages.  There is irony in this lack of transparency on a session about civil society

In its press release the OHCHR Civil Society Section noted: "The report contains a summary of the statements delivered by the Secretary-General and the Deputy High Commissioner for Human Rights, and contributions by the moderator and panellists. It summarizes the discussion in four parts: - the importance of the promotion and protection of civil society space; - the challenges that States face in their efforts to ensure space for civil society; - experiences, lessons learned and good practices with regard to space for civil society; and - strategies and steps that could be adopted to ensure a safe and enabling environment for civil society."

The summary and Report follow.


"Summary of the Human Rights Council panel discussion on the importance of the promotion and protection of civil society space -  Report of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights," A/HRC/27/33, 26 June 2014.

Summary:

The present summary report was prepared in accordance with Human Rights Council resolution 24/21, in which the Council decided to convene, at its twenty-fifth session, a panel discussion on the importance of the promotion and protection of civil society space, and invited the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner to liaise with States, relevant United Nations bodies and agencies, relevant special procedures, civil society and other stakeholders with a view to ensuring their participation in the panel discussion. The panel discussion was held on 11 March 2014.

The report contains a summary of the statements delivered by the Secretary-General and the Deputy High Commissioner for Human Rights, and contributions by the moderator and panellists. It summarizes the discussion in four parts: the importance of the promotion and protection of civil society space; the challenges that States face in their efforts to ensure space for civil society; experiences, lessons learned and good practices with regard to space for civil society; and strategies and steps that could be adopted to ensure a safe and enabling environment for civil society.
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I. Introduction

1. On 11 March 2014, at its twenty-fifth session, the Human Rights Council held a panel discussion on the importance of the promotion and protection of civil society space, pursuant to Council resolution 24/21.

2. Pursuant to the request of the Human Rights Council, the panel discussion aimed at, inter alia, contributing to the identification of challenges facing States in their efforts to ensure space for civil society and lessons learned, as well as good practices.

3. In its resolution 24/21, the Human Rights Council requested the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) to liaise with States, relevant United Nations bodies and agencies, relevant special procedures, civil society and other stakeholders, with a view to ensuring their participation in the panel discussion. The Office was also requested to prepare a summary, to be presented to the Council at its twenty-seventh session. The present summary was prepared pursuant to that request.

4. The panel discussion was chaired by the President of the Human Rights Council and moderated by the human rights lawyer and pro-democracy campaigner, Hina Jilani. The panel was addressed by the Secretary-General and opened by the Deputy United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. The panellists were a member of the Committee on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and member of the Parliament of Turkey, Safak Pavey; the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression, Frank La Rue; Deeyah Khan, a producer of films, music and art; and human rights defender and Honorary President of the Tunisian League for Human Rights, Mokhtar Trifi.

5. To render the Human Rights Council more accessible to persons with disabilities and to encourage their participation in the work of the Council as fully as possible, international sign language interpretation and captioning were provided and webcast. Physical accessibility was promoted by making facilities in the meeting room wheelchair-friendly. Braille printing was available on request.

II. Statements by the Secretary-General and the Deputy United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, and contributions by the moderator and panellists

A. Secretary-General

6. The Secretary-General, in his opening remarks delivered in a video-recorded message, emphasized the fact that a free and independent civil society constituted the bedrock of democratic and responsive governance. Civil society brought vital issues to the fore, helped to make the case for stronger protection of human rights, pushed for more equal societies and mobilized action to address violations and injustice. He stressed the fact that civil society was an indispensable partner of the United Nations.

7. The Secretary-General was concerned that, in campaigning to improve the lives of others, many individuals often risked their lives. Civil society actors must be able to do their work freely, independently, safe from fear, intimidation or retaliation. He counted on the full commitment of States and the international community, including the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and the United Nations family, to engage in collective action to denounce reprisals, defend free voices and protect those targeted. In addition, the Secretary-General stressed the need to advance the work for human rights, peace and development, and to expand the space for civil society to participate and contribute meaningfully.

8. The Secretary-General recalled that the panel’s discussions were based on the premise that space for civil society was a reflection of an entire society’s respect for human rights within its own borders and around the globe. Lastly, he urged the international community to seize the opportunity to strengthen the vital role of civil society.

B. Deputy United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights

9. The Deputy United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights noted that, at the national level, the extent to which people contributed to and monitored decisions that affected their lives was a fundamental indicator of the enjoyment of human rights. Arenas for public participation ranged from local groups to national and global forums, including the Human Rights Council. She recalled that the Charter of the United Nations began with “We the peoples”, while the Universal Declaration of Human Rights guaranteed that “everyone has the right to take part in the Government of his country”. The Deputy High Commissioner affirmed that it was in the interest of peace, security and economic and social development that individuals were empowered to mobilize and participate, make their voices heard, claim their rights, and build responsive, inclusive and accountable institutions in their communities, societies and countries. She emphasized the fact that an informed debate, political engagement and strong mechanisms for accountability of public officials should be created and underpinned by a robust legal framework grounded in international human rights law.

10. Although there were obstacles, the objective of widening and deepening democratic participation was always grounded in the involvement of volunteers, associations, non-governmental organizations and social movements, which fostered civic virtues and greater awareness of rights by teaching advocacy skills, shaping strategies, mobilizing claims and acting as a critical watchdog. The Deputy High Commissioner recalled that civil society could take different forms, such as groups of volunteers assisting new immigrants, activists raising environmental concerns, trade unionists calling for collective agreement, bloggers exposing corruption or a federation of non-governmental organizations campaigning for a new international human rights treaty. She stressed that all those actors played a fundamental role in helping people develop political consciousness and skills, and knowledge of their rights and duties.

11. The Deputy High Commissioner recalled that the Human Rights Council recognized the importance of civil society actors and their need to operate in an enabling environment in a series of resolutions, including resolutions that emphasized the important role of human rights defenders and a cross-regional resolution that provided the basis for the present panel.

12. The Deputy High Commissioner expressed her belief that a diverse, independent and vibrant civil society could only flourish with guarantees of a safe and enabling environment. She deplored the risks faced by many civil society actors around the world, including threats, intimidation, reprisals, prohibition from receiving funding, imprisonment for revealing corruption, bans on peaceful demonstrations, confiscation of computers, shutting down Internet access, and even killings. She called upon all actors to protect civil society from such practices. The Deputy High Commissioner highlighted the fact that the endeavours by OHCHR to create space for the engagement of civil society in the promotion and protection of human rights had been one of its main achievements in the past 20 years, and would

13. continue to be among the Office’s priorities in coming years. She drew attention to the fact that “widening the democratic space” was one of the six thematic strategies for OHCHR for 2014-2017, with a strong emphasis on the requirement of a safe and enabling environment for civil society, including human rights defenders.

C. Moderator of the panel discussion

14. In her introductory remarks, the moderator of the panel discussion, Hina Jilani, welcomed the concern shown by the Human Rights Council and its interest in expanding the space for civil society, as well as its recognition of the critical importance of the role that civil society played in the promotion and protection of human rights. Civil society was a critical actor in strengthening human rights and democracy. No notion of “international community” was complete without the recognition of civil society as an integral part. She emphasized the value of the work of civil society actors, often at great cost to their own personal freedom. She considered that, while there was greater recognition of the role of civil society worldwide, there was still a need to acknowledge that civil society benefited and strengthened States by channelling public voices and concerns to the attention of relevant authorities.

D. Member of the Committee on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and Member of the Parliament of Turkey

15. Ms. Pavey referred to ancient Greece, where, to be considered a “citizen”, an individual – only a man at that time – had an obligation to take part in political processes. In the modern age, civil society provided an avenue for people to engage in the affairs of their communities and countries without participating directly in politics. As a forum outside State control, civil society became an arena of empowerment for autonomy, voluntary unity, pluralism and social demands. It served to limit the powers of Governments and to hold them accountable. From women’s rights, environmental issues, peacebuilding, disability rights, humanitarian aid through to constitutional reform, civil society had become a critical force in every area of societal challenge.

16. Ms. Pavey considered that, in its simplest definition, “civil society” consisted of “people doing things together that they could not achieve on their own as individuals”. Civil society organizations did not aspire to have a share of political power. It was commendable that feminist movements, associations against racism and ecological movements remained part of civil society, while also having political significance in the messages they conveyed. She gave an example of an environmental activist, who would not wish to become Prime Minister, but who would seek to limit the power of the Prime Minister to cut down trees.

17. Ms. Pavey explained that civil society acted as a mechanism for societal balance and formed a “social opposition language” to government policies, without creating a political party. Therefore, interest in societal movements focusing on discrimination in areas such as gender, race, disability, ethnicity and sexual orientation had increased tremendously. She regretted that, in some societies, in particular those in transition or where there were internal conflicts, civil society was controlled or repressed through financial and legal pressures, or through the creation of “government-organized” non-governmental organizations, created with the sole intention of supporting the Government’s policies in the public or international arena.

18. The panellist highlighted what she considered to be the most tragic aspect of the shrinking space of civil society, namely, the targeting of humanitarian aid workers by different groups in conflict zones owing to the perception that they were “foreign agents”. In her opinion, the space for health workers, both in providing services in crises and advocacy for the right to health, including for people with disabilities, was under constant threat. She gave an example when emergency medical workers were attacked by security forces for providing emergency care to individuals wounded while attempting to exercise their right to freedom of expression.

19. In Ms. Pavey’s opinion, civil society had the most powerful impact on cultural transformation, which leads society in the evolution from pluralist to participatory democracy. She gave the example of Hrant Dink, editor-in-chief of the Armenian-Turkish bilingual newspaper Agos, which served as a civil society channel to give voice to the Armenian community in Turkey. This project, to which Ms. Pavey, a young woman with a disability, belonged, had contributed greatly to freedom of expression in the country. Furthermore, in 2013, when the Government of Turkey planned to open up protected areas and national parks for development projects, 121 environment and nature rights organizations came together under a joint platform to advocate systematically against the adoption of the draft law, which was subsequently withdrawn from Parliament.

20. Ms. Pavey pointed out that it was difficult for civil society to overcome cultural or political barriers in some societies, but when it was able to operate more freely, it delivered positive results in the fight against injustice and inequality and in combating racial and gender discrimination through peaceful methods. Civil society organizations often proved to be effective in working with Governments to remove barriers and discrimination. For example, LGBT communities advanced their cause purely through civil society movement while eschewing violent means.

E. Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression

21. Like the Secretary-General, the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression considered civil society to be a vital partner for the United Nations family in advancing human rights. International bodies and Governments alone could not achieve the fulfilment of human rights without the full participation of civil society. In his view, civil society was the fundamental element that guaranteed that human rights would be protected and expanded in the future. Identifying impunity as the biggest challenge to any democratic system, the Special Rapporteur stated that the rule of law with equal access to justice was a crucial element for civil society in all countries. Stressing the universality, equality, interrelatedness and interdependency of all human rights, he recognized that the exercise of some rights facilitated the achievement of other rights (for example, freedom of expression facilitated freedom of peaceful assembly and association), as well as democratic citizen participation and other fundamental freedoms. In his opinion, it was crucial that any democratic society guaranteed freedom of expression in its two dimensions: access to information, and expressing oneself, including through art, demonstrations and other forms.

22. The Special Rapporteur focused on six challenges facing civil society. The first was the universality of the Internet. He considered it important that everybody should have equal access to the Internet – an important communications instrument – in particular, for remote and rural populations. Failure to address this gap would deepen and widen the divide between the technologically privileged and economic elite and poorer sectors. Providing equal access to the Internet should be a priority for all States, even if this required the State to subsidize the service

23. Secondly, the Special Rapporteur noted that the power of the Internet had been amply demonstrated during the Arab spring, and consequently a backlash was observed in many States, which imposed barriers to the use of the Internet and made communication riskier. Access to the Internet had become more limited, websites were blocked and hundreds of bloggers were imprisoned all over the world. Some States argued that restrictions on the use of the Internet stemmed from traditional values, religious or cultural identities; others claimed that limitations were justified by reasons of national security.

24. A third challenge noted by the Special Rapporteur was the increase in attacks against media workers and violence against journalists, including so-called “citizen journalists”. It was crucial to stop attacks and sexual harassment against women journalists. These attacks took place not only in countries witnessing conflict, but also in countries at peace. He found this unacceptable and called for a response from the international community. Attacks against the press reflected on all parts of society because they undermined the right of everyone to have access to information, as without this people would be unable to make informed decisions or challenge public policies.

25. Fourthly, the Special Rapporteur pointed out that denying access to information held by public bodies undermined the work of civil society. He called for strengthening access to public information. He found it ironic that, while there were more laws adopted on access to information, there were also more limitations imposed under the pretext of national security. He considered that acts of elected or appointed public officials should be a public matter and subject to transparency not only on financial and budgetary elements, but also on the broader issue of public policy decision-making.

26. A fifth challenge was to ensure the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and association, which were limited in a number of ways. The Special Rapporteur noted that, increasingly, more steps and procedures were needed before an association could be formed. The opportunities for civil society to raise funds were also limited, in particular as there were often regulations relating to accepting funds from abroad. These factors reduced the space and opportunities for civil society to organize and participate because, as non-profit organizations, civil society organizations were unable to generate their own resources and depended on contributions.

27. Lastly, the Special Rapporteur noted with concern that some Governments adopted regulations and practices to impede peaceful protests. Peaceful demonstrations were sanctioned as criminal activities or as a threat to security, and such measures stifled freedom of expression in societies that did not have access to the media or technological forms of communication.

F. Film, music and arts producer

28. Ms. Khan spoke about the relevance of art to human rights and democracy. Art was a universal, human, basic and direct form of communication, with the capacity to make people feel and think. Art had many purposes in society, and could include an expression of beauty, hope, discomfort or something that tells a story. In her view, artistic expression could liberate people in a way that made exerting control over them more difficult.

29. Ms. Khan noted that thousands of artists around the world used their creativity in the service of social activism, and many artists had became the voice of the voiceless by exposing injustice, human rights abuses or corruption. In some countries, artists were targeted, harassed, threatened, tortured, imprisoned or killed. She recalled that, when Taliban movement came to power in Afghanistan, among the first things removed from public life were music and art. She highlighted the fact that a woman artist faced the same dangers as her male counterparts, as well as gender-specific challenges, in certain societies

30. Artists did not enjoy the same protection and support globally as other groups, such as journalists. Very few individuals and organizations society worked to support artists in danger. Ms. Khan cited the example of Freemuse, an international organization advocating and defending freedom of expression for musicians and composers worldwide. She welcomed the report of the Special Rapporteur in the field of cultural rights,[1] and its focus on artists and the right to freedom of artistic expression and creation. On the ground, artists often found themselves isolated, with no solidarity and support.

31. Ms. Khan highlighted the fact that dictators used art for their own benefit and as a means of propaganda, and business corporations used art to influence the way people made their choices. Stressing that art was as necessary in democracy as a free press, she firmly held the view that artists working for the advancement of human rights and dignity should be supported by the international community because they played a vital and underestimated role in civil society. She concluded by saying that all talents and creativity were needed for the human family to overcome challenges and to achieve the world all would like to live in.

G. Human rights lawyer and Honorary President of the Tunisian League for Human Rights

32. Highlighting experiences of civil society actors in Tunisia, Mr. Trifi focused on the role of civil society during the transition period in the country. He stressed the fact that civil society played a fundamental role in building the new State by participating in the development of new laws and policies essential for human rights and democracy. Civil society organizations were consulted on the first initiatives during the transition, such as a decree on a general amnesty for prisoners of conscience and laws on accession to four international treaties (the International Convention on the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance, the Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment and the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court).

33. Three of the most important civil society organizations (the General Union of Tunisian Workers, the Tunisian League for Human Rights and the National Bar Association) had taken part in setting up essential democratic institutions that promulgated a new electoral code and adopted a new, liberal law on freedom of association, which, inter alia, included a provision on the possibility of State funding for non-governmental organizations, as well as funding from abroad. Several thousands of associations had been established in Tunisia since the adoption of the law in September 2011.

34. Mr. Trifi spoke about the role of civil society in the 2011 elections, which were fundamental for democracy, as they were the first democratic and transparent elections in Tunisia. For the first time, more than 10,000 civil society activists had been mobilized to monitor the elections of the Constituent Assembly, with the assistance of the international community, including support from OHCHR. The first task for the Constituent Assembly was to draft a new Constitution. As the majority of the Constituent Assembly members came from an Islamist party, there were fears that sharia law might be imposed and that the advancement of women’s rights might be blocked, with the discourse focusing on “complementarity between women and men” rather than full equality. Once again, civil society, in particular women’s organizations, had advocated in the public space for full equality between women and men in the text of the new draft Constitution, which was adopted by an overwhelming majority of the Constituent Assembly in January 2014.

35. Acknowledging the essential role of civil society during different stages of the transition process in Tunisia, Mr. Trifi highlighted several remaining obstacles. Some associations, established in accordance with the new law, were suspected of fostering terrorism, and some politicians would like to see stricter control by the Government of the activities of non-governmental organizations and a ban on foreign funding. In Mr. Trifi’s opinion, while there was a legitimate need to monitor the funds of such organizations, any attempt to restrict a legitimate space of civil society actors would be counterproductive. Another challenge for newly created non-governmental organizations was the lack of human and material resources and the need for training and capacity-building to increase their professionalism.

III. Summary of the discussion

36. During the plenary discussion, the following delegations took the floor: Pakistan (on behalf of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation), Ethiopia (on behalf of the Group of African States), India (on behalf of the Like-minded Group), the European Union, Yemen (on behalf of the Group of Arab States), Norway (on behalf of Nordic countries), Morocco, Algeria, China, the Czech Republic, Germany, Chile, Uruguay, Indonesia, Portugal, Poland, Tunisia, the Republic of Korea, Thailand, Japan, Colombia, Italy, Switzerland, Ireland, Angola and Hungary. The Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS) also contributed to the discussion.

37. Also participating in the dialogue was the Human Rights Commission of Malaysia, as well as the following non-governmental organizations: the European Disability Forum; International Service for Human Rights in a joint statement with the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative, the International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission, Amnesty International, the World Organisation Against Torture and the East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project; CIVICUS – World Alliance for Citizen Participation; the International Federation for Human Rights Leagues; and Save the Children International in a joint statement with World Vision International, Defence for Children International, Plan International and the International Catholic Child Bureau.

38. The following delegations were unable to deliver their statements owing to lack of time: Estonia, Slovenia, Belgium, Netherlands, France, the United States of America, Cuba, Kyrgyzstan, Australia, Austria, Slovakia, the Sudan, Burundi and the International Association for Religious Freedom, a non-governmental organization. The delegations’ statements were posted on the extranet page of the Human Rights Council.

A. Importance of the promotion and protection of civil society space

39. Several delegations welcomed the first formal discussion in the Human Rights Council on civil society space as a human rights concern, and thanked the main sponsors of Council resolution 24/21 (Ireland, Chile, Tunisia, Japan and Sierra Leone), as well as OHCHR, for convening the panel discussion. Some participants stressed that the panel was an important step towards the recognition of the crucial role that an independent, diverse and pluralistic civil society played in the realization of human rights on the ground, as well as for the work of the Council. Some States appreciated the fact that the panellists represented the diversity of civil society and its work. They considered it fundamental to have a debate at the institutional level to assess options for strengthening civil society at the national, regional and international levels.

40. Most participants emphasized the crucial role that civil society played in advancing States’ objectives of peace, human rights and development and in the promotion and protection of human rights at the local, national, regional and international levels. It was noted that a free and vibrant civil society contributed greatly to a healthy and stable society, and was a prerequisite for sustainable social and economic development. Civil society’s role went beyond the promotion and protection of human rights to include advancing the purposes and principles of the United Nations. It was recalled that civil society played a major role in preventing human rights violations. Some delegates expressed appreciation for the support that civil society provided to government institutions in the process of the realization of economic, social and cultural rights. Being involved in advocacy, research, social mobilization and local-level development, civil society played a complementary role to government and provided a voice for poor and marginalized groups.

41. Many delegations recognized that dialogue with civil society could contribute to the identification of ongoing and future challenges. It played an indispensable role by channelling the opinions, concerns and suggestions of diverse actors into policymaking processes. Some representatives noted that a vibrant civil society was essential for constructive communication among cultures, faiths and civilizations. It was stressed that civil society represented a mechanism of checks and balances in any democratic State.

42. Some delegations recalled that the important role played by civil society was unanimously recognized at the World Conference on Human Rights in 1993, reaffirmed in many resolutions of the Commission on Human Rights and the Human Rights Council, underlined in many reports by special procedures mandate holders and codified in the institution-building package of the Human Rights Council (resolution 5/1). The Council benefited from the indispensable contribution of civil society. It was pointed out that civil society was also a space for children to express themselves, in conformity with the Convention on the Rights of the Child.

43. Delegations emphasized that it was imperative for States to create and maintain a safe and enabling environment for civil society actors in which they could operate and contribute to the promotion and protection of civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights. It was noted that the rights to freedom of expression, peaceful assembly and association, and of movement, as well as participation in public life, were all important for civil society. Some States emphasized that the protection of civil society was the foremost responsibility of every State. The protective role of the State was in conformity with its obligations under international human rights law. The empowerment and protection of civil society was essential for an inclusive, transparent and democratic society. Some delegations highlighted the responsibility of States in establishing regulatory frameworks to regulate funding for the work of civil society actors.

44. Some States remarked that, in performing their functions, civil society actors should work within the parameters of a national legal framework consistent with international human rights and humanitarian law obligations. Acting in compliance with domestic laws would mean that they would have full recourse to the protection afforded by such laws.

45. Some participants noted that civil society played a complementary role to that of national human rights institutions.

B. Challenges faced by States in their efforts to ensure space for civil society

46. Several delegations expressed concern about the shrinking space for civil society in some States as a result of the introduction of legal, administrative and other restrictions. In some countries, national legislation and other measures did not protect fully the rights and freedoms important for civil society actors. It was noted that failure to ensure a safe and enabling environment for civil society to conduct its work undermined States’ existing commitments and obligations under international human rights law, and weakened equality, accountability, responsiveness and the rule of law. In some cases, provisions relating to national security, public morals, defamation, funding and regulation of the Internet had led to the harassment, stigmatization and criminalization of civil society actors. It was stressed that some States imposed unnecessary obstacles to the establishment or financing of non-governmental organizations or the authorization of peaceful demonstrations. One of the obstacles highlighted was the lack of financial and human resources available to civil society, and the lack of broader awareness about the role of civil society could play. An example was provided about the lack of direct consultations between the Government and civil society actors in the universal periodic review process, which was a matter of concern.

47. Concerns were expressed by some delegations about the serious risks faced by human rights defenders as well as by members of their families. Particular concern about the risks faced by women defenders was highlighted. Journalists and media professionals who attempted to report demonstrations and police violence endured detention, imprisonment and forced dismissal. Forcible closure of newspapers was also a matter of concern. Particular concerns were expressed about the marginalization of groups, such as LGBT persons and organizations in several countries, as well as minority and religious organizations. Children experienced challenges in forming their own organizations, including difficulties in registration.

48. Some participants referred to the creation of “government-organized” non-governmental organizations created to give visible support to their Government in public and international forums, and noted that such organizations frequently filled the space intended for independent civil society actors. An example was provided of the challenges faced in the implementation of obligations under the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities relating to civil society, which included insufficient interaction between Government and independent civil society actors.

49. It was highlighted that, while the Internet contributed to freedom of opinion and expression and the work of civil society across the globe, restrictions on Internet freedom and the activities of civil society were of concern, as they threatened the fundamental elements of democracy, development and peace. Examples were provided of restrictive legislation, expansion of the executive authority’s control over the Internet, and limitations to freedom of expression and information.

50. Some participants drew attention to differences and conflicts within civil society, as well as among interest groups and viewpoints. Donor-driven agendas in the operations of civil society actors were cautioned against. There were concerns that some civil society actors promoted intolerant views or opinions, and, while guaranteeing freedom of expression, States should be able to minimize their negative impact. Some noted the importance of accurate and verifiable information being provided by civil society in their endeavours to promote and protect human rights.

51. Some participants spoke about an alarming trend aimed at curtailing the voice of civil society in its endeavour to contribute to the work of the United Nations and its human rights bodies, including the Human Rights Council and its mechanisms, in particular, through reprisals against human rights defenders, activists or opposition politicians. These included threats to non-governmental organization accreditation, which sought to create a climate of fear and intimidation, undermining the credibility and the functioning of the United Nations system. In this context, the deferral of consideration by the General Assembly of resolution 24/24 adopted by the Council at its twenty-fourth session was noted with concern by some States.


C. Experiences, lessons learned and good practices with regard to space for civil society

52. Many delegations welcomed the opportunity to exchange lessons learned, practices and experiences in providing space for civil society. Some noted that it was not possible to develop policies, programmes or national strategies in the absence of dialogue with civil society because it was inseparable from the democratic processes.

53. Some States applauded the tremendous dynamism of civil society actors, including women who faced grave personal risks. Examples were provided of the role of women’s rights activists in several countries in pursuing fair representation in political processes.

54. Some States appreciated the greater number of national civil society organizations established in their countries over a period of time.

55. Several States provided examples of the participation of civil society actors in the development of national policies on human rights, including national plans of action and legislation, as well as in contributions to State reports submitted to United Nations human rights mechanisms, such as the treaty bodies and the universal periodic review.

56. Many States had established mechanisms for institutionalized national dialogue and consultations with civil society. Through a coordination and information-sharing platform on human rights policies, these mechanisms brought together various stakeholders on a regular basis, and provided space for civil society actors to engage in public policy decisions in advancing the human rights agenda. Such institutional mechanisms helped strengthen a dialogue between government officials and civil society experts.

57. Some States reported on the establishment of mechanisms and subsidies for funding non-governmental organizations in their countries.

58. An example was provided of civil society serving as an indispensable partner in providing specific assistance to affected populations that the national government response could not tackle alone in the aftermath of a natural disaster.

59. As witnessed by UNAIDS, civil society organizations provided services to marginalized communities; for example, to persons living with and vulnerable to HIV. It was noted that civil society was essential to shape the political, financial, social and legal response to HIV around the world. In three meetings of the General Assembly on AIDS, all States had committed to secure the vital role of civil society in the AIDS response, and to provide an enabling social and legal environment. These commitments were, however, yet to be implemented by many States.

60. Examples were provided by non-governmental organizations working on the rights of the child on the involvement of children in the civic space through the establishment of mechanisms for children to engage in policymaking processes and other activities, such as monitoring service delivery to children.

61. One State delegation spoke about its experience in developing national policies and mechanisms for the protection human rights defenders, in partnership with OHCHR.

62. Some States had increased their efforts to promote civil society space in their international policy agenda and activities. Such efforts were commended by a number of non-governmental organizations. International reactions to restrictions on civil society space included diplomatic pressure, efforts to strengthen the international normative framework of the right to freedom of association and the creation of innovative forms of engagement, such as the European Endowment for Democracy.


63. Some States cautioned against interfering with the internal affairs of States or challenging judicial sovereignty under the pretext of protecting civil society space.

64. Delegations referred to the important work to promote rights and freedoms vital for the functioning of civil society conducted by the special procedures of the Human Rights Council, namely the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression, the Special Rapporteur on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association and the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders. The Social Forum of the Human Rights Council was considered to be a space that sought to enhance dialogue between States and civil society in a constructive manner.

65. An example was provided of the large participation of persons with disabilities and their representative organizations in the negotiation of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, and reference was made to the role of civil society included in the text of the Convention.

66. It was emphasized that regional organizations played a significant role in promoting civil society space in their respective regions.

D. Strategies and steps that could be adopted to ensure a safe and enabling environment for civil society

67. It was stressed that the promotion and protection of civil society space did not envisage granting civil society new or additional rights, but rather ensured that it enjoyed the same rights to public freedoms to which everyone was entitled.

68. It was recognized that it was the primary responsibility of States, in accordance with their international human rights obligations, to promote and protect human rights, including rights that enabled civil society to operate, in particular fundamental freedoms, such as the freedoms of peaceful assembly, association, opinion and expression. This required the support of a robust legislative and administrative framework, fully compliant with international human rights law. Delegations reiterated a call made by the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders in her most recent report to the Human Rights Council that Governments should take concrete steps to create a safe and enabling environment for human rights defenders to operate, free from hindrance and insecurity.[2] Some pointed to the need to create an enabling environment to encourage member-based and member-driven civil society groups that would promote the interests of the people they served and encourage sustainability of their activities.

69. Several delegations referred to the importance of the national legal framework. It was stressed that, while all individuals were subject to the sovereign laws of the relevant State, national legislation should be consistent with international human rights law to ensure that civil society can operate in a safe and enabling environment. It was suggested that ethical, religious or cultural values should not be used as a justification for putting in place national legislation that undermined the universality of human rights. Some delegations urged that a review be conducted of national legislation that criminalized non-governmental organizations on the basis of their activities or sources of funding. It was stressed that laws restricting freedom of peaceful assembly should be reviewed, and that States should prevent and sanction the excessive use of force when dispersing assemblies. There was a suggestion that laws that prohibit human rights advocacy relating to sexual orientation and gender identity should be repealed. Some delegations expressed the view that the domestic legal framework should ensure that the right to freedom of expression, peaceful assembly and association fully respected the rights of others and guaranteed the independence, accountability and transparency of civil society. The need to ensure that the legal framework was conducive to the establishment of children’s organizations was also stressed.

70. Some participants emphasized that improved and inclusive consultation processes, as well as coordination with and partnerships between civil society actors and State institutions would facilitate the enhancement of international cooperation in the field of human rights and better serve the interests of society. States were urged to take appropriate measures to ensure that every member of civil society had an effective right and opportunity to participate in political and public affairs, as highlighted by the Human Rights Council in its resolution 24/8 on equal political participation. States were encouraged to engage in meaningful participatory processes in legislating and policymaking, and to consult with civil society at the outset of policy development. They were encouraged to ratify the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, which included obligations relating to participation. It was recommended that sufficient, respectful, safe, regular and meaningful interaction between Government and civil society should be established at all phases of policymaking and implementation. Efforts to increase the representation of women with disabilities should be supported. It was also suggested that Governments should create an enabling environment for children to participate as equal actors in civil society, including through access to timely and child-friendly public information.

71. A recommendation was made that States should establish national mechanisms for the protection of human rights defenders and journalists.

72. Recognizing the important role played by development in the full realization and enjoyment of human rights, some delegations suggested that States needed to encourage civil society groups to increase their engagement in and contribution to the implementation of a national development agenda and other regional and international development goals, as well as combating intolerance, negative stereotyping and stigmatization, incitement to violence and violence against persons based on religion or belief.

73. It was suggested that civil society actors should use their space responsibly and be guided by the principles of democracy, good governance, transparency, credibility and accountability. Such an approach would increase public and government confidence in civil society, and would help States to better protect civil society, facilitate its work and establish partnerships. In addition, it was noted that non-governmental organizations should use their charitable and tax-exempt status responsibly.

74. States were called upon to refrain from and ensure adequate protection from any act of intimidation or reprisal against civil society actors, and to fulfil their duty to end impunity for any such acts by bringing perpetrators to justice and by providing an effective remedy for victims. The Human Rights Council and the United Nations as a whole were urged to lead by example in protecting civil society space and to ensure a stronger, practical response to reprisals.

75. Recalling resolution 1996/31 of the Economic and Social Council, which governs the relationship of the Human Rights Council with civil society, some delegations proposed that the efforts of the Council and the international community should be directed at assisting national authorities to strengthen their mechanisms of partnership with civil society, and that they find new ways to support civil society engagement by sharing best practices.

76. In a joint statement, several non-governmental organizations expressed concerns about the Committee of the Economic and Social Council on Non-Governmental Organizations creating obstacles to civil society consultations at the United Nations. A State delegation suggested that rules and proceedings that govern the participation of civil society in the United Nations should be updated so that they could tackle the challenges posed by the participation of indigenous peoples in international forums.

77. Participants recommended that the Human Rights Council, through its special procedures mechanisms, should develop and adopt guiding principles on creating a safe and enabling environment for civil society.

78. A suggestion was made that the Human Rights Committee prioritize the development of general comments on articles 21 (the right of peaceful assembly) and 22 (the right to freedom of association) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

79. States were encouraged to take advantage of the technical assistance available through the Office of the High Commissioner and other relevant international and regional institutions.

IV. Comments and responses by panellists and the moderator

80. Several delegations directed a number of questions to the panellists. Some were interested to learn more about good practices and recommendations on how States could ensure meaningful engagement and dialogue with civil society, improve the capacity of civil society to engage with government institutions, and support the checks-and-balances role of civil society. Delegations asked what more could be done at the local, national, regional, international and multilateral levels to provide space for civil society, improve States’ engagement with civil society and raise awareness and support for the work of civil society, including those persons who did not join an organization, such as children or people living in extreme poverty. A question was asked about what the international community should do when national legislation contradicted international obligations.

80. Panellists were asked to provide examples of good practices in legislation or mechanisms at the national level to combat impunity regarding threats or attacks against human rights defenders. A question was asked about whether general legislation on freedom of expression was sufficient or whether special legislation to protect human rights defenders should be adopted by States. A delegation was interested to learn about concrete measures that could be taken by the international community to combat the climate of intimidation and censorship against journalists and media workers. Panellists were asked to address the relationship between a vibrant civil society and social stability. Some States were interested to learn about early warning signs regarding policies to narrow the space for civil society, and how the international community could contribute to counteract attempts aimed at limiting space for civil society. Participants were interested to know how non-governmental could increase their capacity to protect themselves. A question was asked about how States could support an early warning function of civil society in raising awareness of human rights violations. Another question was asked about whether non-governmental organizations participating in the sessions of the Human Rights Council needed a stronger legislative basis. The views of panellists were sought on the responsibility of the Council to act upon reprisals against defenders who engaged or attempted to engage with the Council or other United Nations organs and mechanisms.

82. Ms. Khan acknowledged the challenges in building societies that are fair, inclusive, just and open for all. In her opinion, freedom of expression was the cornerstone of a healthy, independent, open, pluralistic and inclusive civil society. She encouraged States to build on their statements made during the panel discussion on the importance of the right to freedom of expression, and engage genuinely in the implementation of this right in their countries.

83. The Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression agreed that there was no question of creating special rights for civil society organizations, but rather ensuring that the rights to which everyone is entitled were afforded to civil society actors. He appreciated the comment that human rights were enjoyed by people of all ages. The Special Rapporteur saw no need for specific legislation or administrative measures for civil society organizations and how people associate because, in his view, these would limit legitimate, open and transparent activities for the defence of human rights. He agreed with the statements made that civil society actors should abide by the principles of the rule of law, transparency and accountability, but he recalled that the rule of law should apply equally to all, and that there was no need to create additional restrictions to those already outlined in national legislation compliant with international commitments. Responding to a question on the need for a specific national mechanism to protect human rights defenders and journalists, he noted good practices of effective, multi-stakeholder mechanisms established in several countries, and suggested that one concrete outcome of the panel discussion might be that States should establish such mechanisms.

84. Mr. Trifi underlined the fact that States elected to the Human Rights Council had a specific responsibility towards the protection of human rights, including the freedoms of expression, peaceful assembly and association. Speaking from his civil society background, he highlighted the need for capacity-building and training on human rights for civil society organizations. He also emphasized the need for funding, in particular, national public funding, but also foreign funding, which should be legally regulated. He stressed the important early warning function of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders, who could draw the Council’s attention to worrying developments so that timely action could be taken.

85. Ms. Pavey appreciated the discussion on the strengthening of trust between the State and civil society. She recalled that there was space for civil society to work through the various United Nations human rights mechanisms, including the treaty bodies and the Human Rights Council and its mechanisms. She stressed that civil society should feel free from fear to engage with United Nations mechanisms, and channel their issues and concerns so that they reach international forums.

86. The moderator thanked the participants for their rich contributions and regretted that, owing to time limitations, it was not possible for the panel to respond to the numerous questions addressed to it. She reflected on the discussion about resources for civil society, and stated that foreign funding was a part of international cooperation; what a State could legitimately do in order to promote and protect human rights should certainly be legitimate for civil society to benefit from. She expressed the hope that this dialogue could lead to more opportunities and forms of engagement through which Governments could overcome insecurities that led them to establish measures that restricted civil society space. She also hoped that civil society organizations could safeguard their independence and encourage their Governments to be more responsive to their voices.

87. The President of the Human Rights Council thanked the moderator, the panellists and the participants for their contributions to the panel discussion.


NOTES:

[1] A/HRC/23/34.

[2] See A/HRC/25/55.




Rape in India: Venkayesh Nayak on "Preliminary Analysis of Some Statistics relating to the Offence of Rape as Reported by the National Crime Records Bureau for the Period 2001‐ 2013 "

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In a previous post I had included an essay written by Venkatesh Nayak, Programme Coordinator, Access to Information Programme, Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative in New Delhi, "Sexual crimes against women and claims of Nirmal Bharat Campaign - How good is the MIS data?" exploring the data implications of the recent and widely publicized issue of sexual violence against lower caste women in India.
(Pix (c) Larry Catá Backer 2014)

Mr. Kayak has recently written:
Readers may recollect that I had circulated in April this year our analysis of the datasets relating to crimes against members of the Scheduled Castes. Apart from showing the enormity of the phenomenon of atrocities against members of these communities the purpose of the study was to demonstrate the value of using crime related statistics made publicly available by the Government of India through its Data Portal data.gov.in

I have attached to this email our preliminary findings of an analysis of the statistics related to rape that are made available by the National Crime Records Bureau through its own website and through the Data Portal. A lot more analysis can be done suing this dataset by linking it to various socio-economic variables. I hope civil society organisations and researchers will interrogate the findings further, delve deeper into the core of the societal problem of violence against women and demand better performance and greater accountability from the law enforcement machinery of the State. I have attached the PDF file for readers' reference.

Portions of the Report follow:



(Pix (c) Larry Catá Backer 2014)



Preliminary Analysis of Some Statistics relating to the Offence of Rape as Reported by the National Crime Records Bureau for the Period 2001‐ 2013

Research and Report: Venkatesh Nayak, CHRI, New Delhi1 Data Analytics: SS Tech Point, New Delhi

Introduction:

Earlier in April this year, we circulated our findings from an analysis of the crime‐related datasets published by the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) through the Data Portal recently established by the Government of India. That study focused on the number of crimes against members of the Scheduled Caste community committed across India over a 12‐year period. In the current study we have focused on the datasets containing figures and statistics relating to the crime of rape. The main NCRB dataset for the period 2001‐2012 is accessible on the Data Portal.2 The dataset for 2013 is sourced from the latest Crime in India Report accessible on the NCRB’s website.3

The purpose of this preliminary study is to mark the trends in the number of cases of rape registered across the country over the 13‐year period. In recent months, the spate of brutal incidents where women have suffered or lost their lives due to the sexual depredations of men has drawn mixed responses. While the larger public is rightly outraged by the growing number of such incidents, several political leaders have tried to play down the seriousness of this phenomenon by commenting in a manner that is either casual or cruel or both. What is worse, in the face of such attitudes it is difficult for citizens in general and civil society and the media in particular to gauge the State’s response to crimes. In the face of this creating or preparing better preventive and responsive measures becomes difficult. In the absence of a study of the long term trends, downplaying the seriousness of the phenomenon of sexual crimes against women is easy. This study, based on the Government’s own data which it has sourced from the level of the police stations, is intended to hold up a mirror to Governments and politicians alike to reflect the truth about and the magnitude of this violent phenomenon.

This preliminary study is divided into two parts. The first section contains our findings regarding broad trends across the States and Union Territories (UTs) during the period under study. We have also attempted to draw a comparative picture by linking the findings to some easily identifiable landmarks such as the general elections held during the period covered by this study and the expansion of the list of offences treated as rape with the enforcement of the Criminal Law Amendment Act in 2013. Linking these trends to changes in the demography, and rates of economic growth and conditions of human development are likely to reveal many more truths which we leave to other experts to work on. The last part of the first section deals with the trends relating to rape trials during the years 2012‐2013.4 Unfortunately consolidated data is not available for other years on the Data Portal and we are restricted to the two recent years only. In the second part of this study we have discussed the reporting of cases of rape in 20 States and 1 UT with the most number of cases reported during the 13‐year period.

Another purpose of this preliminary study is to demonstrate to advocators of human rights, women’s rights, academics and the media the potential of Open Data made public under the Central Government’s National Data Sharing and Accessibility Policy, 2012. The datasets uploaded on the Data Portal provide immense opportunities to advocates for reform to hold the authorities accountable using official figures and statistics. We hope readers will not only go through these findings, but also interrogate the datasets for their quantity and quality and recommend to the Government public disclosure of other kinds of data that are connected with this burning issue. These findings are subject to the caveats mentioned on page 30 below.

I. Reporting of rape cases – Macro‐level findings:

1) According to the NCRB data, during the period 2001‐2013, a total of 2,72,844 cases were reported across the 28 states and 7 UTs in India.5 On an average, a little more than 57 rapes are reported to have occurred every day across the country during this 13 year period.6 That averages to more than 2 rapes across the country, every hour, every day, during the last 13 years. If the figure for 2013 – the year in which the list of offences that constitute rape was expanded – is discounted, the total for the 12‐year period between 2001‐2012 becomes 2,39,137 cases across all States and UTs. The daily and hourly averages reduce by a few decimal points only.

2) The total figure for the 28 States alone stands at 2,64,130 rapes during the 13‐year period – an average of almost 56 incidents of rape per day. In the 7 UTs the average is almost two rapes per day (total incidents = 8,714). However Delhi alone accounted for 8,060 reported incidents during this period.

3) While a total of 16,075 cases of rape were reported in 2001 across all States and UTs, in 2013, the figure stood at 33,707– indicating an increase of 52.30%. However if the figures for 2013 are omitted, then the increase is 35.5%.

4) During the 13‐year period, the total figure for the States alone rose every year, except in 2003, when it dipped by a little less than 4%. The total figures in the UTs dipped during the years 2006‐2008 but have risen in all subsequent years. This is due to the dip in the total figures for Delhi during the same years. However Delhi alone accounted for an average of 1.69 rapes per day during the 13‐year period.


5) Prior to the amendment of the law relating to the offence of rape, Meghalaya witnessed the largest percentage increase in the number of reported cases amongst the 28 States. While only 26 cases were reported in 2001 in Meghalaya, this figure rose to 164 – an increase of 531%in 2012. Goa stood 2nd with an increase of 358% followed by Sikkim (325%) in the 3rd position, Manipur (215%) in the 4th position, West Bengal (188%) in the 5th position, Punjab (128%) in 6th position, Karnataka (112%) in the 7th position, Uttarakhand (100%) in the 8th position, Mizoram (98%) in the 9th position and Rajasthan (95%) in the 10th position. (see Table 1 and Table 2 below).
 TABLE 1


 6) However in terms of absolute number of cases reported from each State in 2012, Madhya Pradesh (3,425) topped the list followed by Rajasthan (2,049), West Bengal (2,046), Uttar Pradesh (1,963), Maharashtra (1,839), Assam (1,716) Odisha (1,458), undivided Andhra Pradesh (1,341), Chhattisgarh (1,034) and Kerala (1,019) in descending order (see Graph 1 on page 6).
 TABLE 2

 
7) Prior to the amendment of the law relating to the offence of rape, Daman and Diu witnessed the largest percentage increase in the number of reported cases amongst the 7 UTs. The figure rose 500% from nil to 5 in 2012. However in terms of absolute numbers Delhi topped the list of UTs with 706 cases in 2012 followed by Chandigarh (27), Puducherry (13) and the Andaman and Nicobar Islands (12) (see Graph 2 on page 6 below).


8) The expansion of the list of offences that constitute rape through the Criminal Amendment Act, 2013 has had its impact on the figures reported in 2013. The highest percentage rise amongst the 28 States and UTs was in Delhi (329%) as compared to the figure reported in 2001 (see Table 1). In view of the figures reported in Maharashtra, in 2013, the rise in the number of cases was more than three times the figure reported in 2001. In the States of Karnataka, Rajasthan, Uttarakhand Gujarat, Haryana, Jharkhand and Himachal Pradesh the figures are more than double the figures reported in 2001. Another reason for the increase in the number of cases reported in 2013 would be due to the fear of punishment in the minds of the police officers to whom cases of rape are reported. Under the criminal law amendments, if an officer refuses to register a case of rape upon receiving a complaint, he/she commits an offence and may be punished with rigorous imprisonment for a period between six months to two years and will also be liable to pay a fine.


9) West Bengal is the only State where fewer cases of rape were reported after the 2013 amendments were enforced. The absolute numbers fell from 2,046 in 2012 to 1,685 in 2013 (see Table 1). This phenomenon deserves deeper analysis in order to ascertain whether fewer offences of rape were committed or if the police were burking complaints of rape.


10) After the criminal law amendments, the number of cases reported in 2013 did not rise by leaps and bounds in the States of Madhya Pradesh (52%), Chhattisgarh (44%) and Bihar (27%) which may be indicative of the low levels of awareness about the new law on sexual offences amongst women.7 Uttar Pradesh, interestingly, witnessed less than 0.5% increase in the figures reported in 2012 as compared to the figure reported in 2001. However in 2013, with the expansion of the list of offences termed ‘rape’ the number of cases reported increased by 56% (see Table 1).


11) During the 13‐year period, Madhya Pradesh reported the most number of rapes at 40,422 – (see Graph 1). This figure is 44% higher than that of West Bengal which stands second on this list. The average figure for Madhya Pradesh is more than 8 rapes per day during the 13‐ year period.

12) West Bengal reported the second highest number of rapes at 22,472 during the 13‐year period (see Graph 1). This averages to almost 5 incidents of rape per day across the State during this period. However the number of cases reported in recent years in West Bengal indicates a downward trend as explained at para # 2 in the State‐level findings given below.
 


13) Uttar Pradesh (UP) stands third in this list with a total of 22,108 instances of rape reported during this period (see Graph 1). The recent statements of senior leaders of the ruling political party in that State that, given the size of the population the number of instances reported are minimal, is not borne out by NCRB data. UP averages at 4.65 incidents of rape per day during this 13‐year period.

14) Maharashtra with 21,049 instances and Rajasthan with 19,083 cases of rape reported during this period complete the list of top five in that order for the 13‐year period (see graph 1). On an average more than 4 rapes occurred per day in Maharashtra and about 4 rapes per day in Rajasthan during this period.

15) Assam comes 6th with a total of 18,115 instances (average of 3.81 rapes per day) followed by Andhra Pradesh at 7th place with 15,114 cases (average of 3.18 cases per day), Bihar at 8th place with 14,252 cases (average of 3 instances of rape per day), Odisha at 9th place with 13,262 cases (average of 2.79 cases per day) and Chhattisgarh at 10th place with 13,218 cases (average of 2.78 cases per day) (see graph 1).

16) Amongst the 28 States, Sikkim sits at the bottom of the list with only 238 cases of rape reported during this period (see graph 1). The least number of rapes anywhere was reported in the UT of Lakshadweep at 9 cases during the 13‐year period (see graph 2).

17) Delhi, also a UT reported 8,060 cases during this period (see graph 2), much more than the larger States of Tamil Nadu (7,875 cases) Karnataka (6,204 cases), and Gujarat (4,981 cases) (see graph 1).

18) Amongst the 3 States created at the turn of the millennium, Chhattisgarh topped the list with 13,218 cases of rape followed by Jharkhand with 10,363 cases during the 13‐year period. Uttarakhand with 1,606 cases is in the third place (see graph 1).

19) Amongst the States in the northeastern part of India, Nagaland reported the least number of cases of rape ‐ 251 during this period (see graph 1). After Assam, Tripura reported the most number of cases at 2,291 followed by Meghalaya at 1,203, Mizoram at 915 and Arunachal Pradesh at 575 cases during the same period (see graph 1).

20) Jammu Kashmir reported 3,188 cases during this period while geographically smaller sized states like Haryana and Punjab reported 7,381 and 6,347 cases respectively during this period. Goa reported only 436 cases of rape during this period (see graph 1).

21) None of the major political parties that have run the governments in the States during this period, have succeed in bringing down the number of instances of rape in a consistent manner year after year despite their election manifesto promises to improve the law and order situation in the concerned State. The All India Trinamool Congress is the only exception where the number of rapes have come down somewhat since it assumed power in the State of West Bengal. However it has been in power only for a little more than three years. its performance needs to be watched over the remainder of its term to make a correct assessment of its ability to bring down the figures – not by burking but by taking resolute steps to prevent occurrences of rape in that State.

22) Analysis of findings from the 20 States and 1 UT covered by this study shows that in some States the number of rapes reported in an election year or a year before general elections to the State Legislative Assembly fell considerably in States like Chhattisgarh and Himachal Pradesh while it rose in a few other States such as Assam, Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra. This aspect requires deeper analysis to ascertain whether the administration tried to be more sensitive towards sufferers of rape and registered the cases or refused to register cases in order to keep levels of crime low on paper. The hike or decline could be due to other socio‐economic factors as well. We have only pointed out this correlation in the study to encourage other researchers to take this issue up seriously and delve deeper to examine the peaks and troughs during election years. It is also important to correlate these phenomena with the general trend regarding other heinous crimes such as murder, dacoity, arson etc that were reported during the same period.

Rape trial related trends – 2012 vis‐à‐vis 2013

Detailed dataset about rape trials is available on the Data Portal only for the year 2012. The data for the remaining years lies scattered in the NCRB’s published annual reports which are not always available in machine‐readable form. For the purpose of this study we have compared the 2012 dataset with the figures available in the latest Crime in India Report for 2013.8 Our findings comparing the data for the two year period are given below:

--While 1,01,041 cases were under trial in 2012, with 1,14,785 cases under trial this amounts to a 12% increase.

--In 2012 trial was completed in 14,717 cases whereas in 2013 this figure rose by a little less than 22% to 18,833. While 3,563 persons were convicted for rape in 2012, 5,101 culprits were convicted in 2013 indicating an increase by a little more than 30%.

--The number of acquittals rose by 18.79% in 2013 when 13,735 accused persons were pronounced not guilty as compared to 11,154 persons in 2012.

--In 2013, the proportion of cases where the offence of rape was compounded9 fell by a little more than 24% as compared to 2012.

--The proportion of rape cases where trial was pending rose by a little more than 10% in 2013 (95,731 cases) as compared to 2012 (86,032 cases).

II. State‐wise major findings:


We have given below our findings borne out by an analysis of the NCRB datasets for 20 States and 1 Union Territory which reported the highest number of instances of rape during the 13‐year period (i.e., more than 200 cases during this period).

1. Madhya Pradesh
At the start of the period under study, in 2001, Madhya Pradesh reported 2,851 rapes. This number reached 4,335 in 2013 indicating a rise of more than 52%. The rising trend of rapes in MP dipped marginally only during the years 2003, 2006 and 2008. Incidentally, 2003 and 2008 were election years in that State.

The sharpest spike in any year in comparison to the immediately preceding year occurred in 2013 at more than 26% (Graph 3). 72% of the total number of rapes reported was during the years 2013, 2012, 2011, 2010, 2007, 2009, 2008, 2005 and 2006 in descending order of the number of cases reported in each successive year (Pareto analysis ‐ Graph 4). The State was ruled by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) during all these years.

 2. WestBengal
At the start of the period under study, West Bengal reported only 709 cases of rape (Graph 5). Thereafter it witnessed a rise in the number of cases every year between up to 2009 (2,336 cases). The figure dipped to 2,311 in 2010 and rose again to 2,363 in 2011. Thereafter the number cases have declined in subsequent years with only 1,685 cases reported in 2013. Nevertheless in 2013 there were 138% more cases as compared to 2001.

• The sharpest spike in any year as compared to a previous year (47.2%) occurred in 2004 when the Left Front was in power. The numbers declined slightly in 2010 and rose again in 2011 – an election year which brought the All India Trinamool Congress (AITMC) to power in the month of May. Only 52 more cases were reported that year compared to 2010. The figures have declined every year since then. Nevertheless the 2013 figures are more than double of those reported in 2001.

75% of the rape cases were reported during the years – 2011, 2009, 2010, 2008, 2007, 2012, 2006 and 2005 in descending order of the number of cases reported in each successive year (Graph 6). The Left Front was in power in all years except 2012 and the first four months in 2011.




3. UttarPradesh
At the start of the period under study, in 2001, Uttar Pradesh (UP) reported 1,958 cases of rape (Graph 7). This figure rose by 56% to 3,050 in 2013.

• The sharpest spike in any year as compared to the previous year was in 2004 (53%). The Samajwadi Party (SP) was in power during that year having defeated the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) which ruled the State between May 2002 and August 2003. The years 2002 and 2003 witnessed a declining trend with the numbers falling to 911 in 2003.

72% of the cases were reported during the years 2013, 2011, 2012, 2001, 2008, 2009, 2007 and 2010 in descending order of the number of cases reported in each successive year (Graph 8). The BSP was in power during four of those namely, 2008 – 2011. The BJP was in power in 2001 and the SP in 2013 and the last nine months of 2012.

Despite being third on the list for the 13‐year period – the total number of rapes reported in UP in 2013 is 44.75% higher than the figure reported from West Bengal for that year.


**********




The findings of this study are subject to the following caveats:

a) Senior police officers and experts on the subject have always cautioned against accepting the NCRB reported crime figures as the gospel truth. As junior level police officials are responsible for data collection, compilation and submission from the police station level to the district level units and further up to the SCRBs, they may not portray an accurate picture. However these dataset are being officially generated and used for replying to questions raised by Parliamentarians on the floor of both Houses. We hope that the findings themselves will raise the shortcomings in the manner of data collection and reporting and encourage civil society organisations and experts to recommend better methods of collection and reporting of data about crimes committed against SCs and STs.

b) The findings described above are true only to the extent of the correctness of the numbers and figures mentioned in the dataset uploaded by the NCRB on the Data Portal.

c) We have not interrogated the quality of data made available on this Data Portal as that will require an inquiry into the original records held in thousands of police stations across the country – a time consuming process. We agree that for these findings to make greater sense they need to be linked to other datasets and statistics about the delays in registering of offences under this law, the manner of their investigation, the speed with which offenders are arrested, the quality of legal aid available to the victims of such offences and the speed with which trials are conducted and punishment handed down to the convicts and equally importantly the rate of conviction. During the course of this analysis we discovered that many other kinds of datasets need to be collected and made publicly available for people to get a clearer picture of how accessible that constitutional promise of ‘JUSTICE’ is to the sufferers of the crime of rape. We hope readers will take this initiative forward and make use of the immense opportunities that open data policy presents to assess the performance of the law enforcement mechanisms at both micro and macro levels.

d) Last, we do not claim that the NCRB data represents a complete picture of the number of offences of rape committed against women during any given year. There are two reasons for this caution. First, experts have pointed out that the data collation exercise commencing at the police station level takes into account only the principal offence mentioned in the FIR. However an FIR may contain other offences also committed by the same person(s) during the same event. So if a woman raped was subsequently murdered by the culprits, to escape identification, the principal offence noted in the FIR would be that of murder. So the crime data compilation will reflect only the principal offence of murder and leave out rape. As a result the NCRB dataset for a given year may not be an accurate reflection of the total number of instances of rape that occurred across the country.

Second, experience shows that many cases of rape go unreported for various reasons such as lack of faith in the ability of the criminal justice system to deliver quick and efficient justice protecting the dignity of the sufferers of this crime, lack of critical support from the family, friends or the community to pursue such cases to their logical conclusion, social stigma that often attaches to the sufferers on account of going public with their cases and many other such reasons.


For further information contact:
Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative

B‐117, 1st Floor, Sarvodaya Enclave New Delhi‐ 110 017
Tel: +91‐11‐43180201/43180215 Fax: +91‐11‐26864688
Email: venkatesh@humanrightsinitiative.org Website: www.humanrightsinitiative.org



NOTES

 1 The author is grateful to Ms. Maja Daruwala, Director, CHRI and Ms. Navaz Kotwal, Programme Coordinator, GOI‐ UNDP Access to Justice Project, New Delhi for reading the first draft and providing insightful comments. I have tried to incorporate them to the best of one’s ability. Any shortcoming in this report is entirely the author’s responsibility.

2 See website of the NCRB at: http://data.gov.in/catalog/crime‐against‐women#web_catalog_tabs_block_10 ‐ accessed on 20 July, 2014.

3 See website of the NCRB at: http://ncrb.nic.in/CD‐CII2013/Home.asp ‐ accessed on 20 July 2014.

4 The data for 2012 has been sourced from the Data Portal at: http://data.gov.in/catalog/cases‐registered‐and‐ their‐disposal‐under‐crime‐against‐women#web_catalog_tabs_block_10 . The data for 2013 has been sourced from the Crime in India Report, 2013 accessible on the website of NCRB at: http://ncrb.nic.in/CD‐ CII2013/Home.asp ‐ accessed on 20 July, 2014.

5 As the State of Telangana had not yet been formed during the period under study only 28 States are being mentioned. All references to Andhra Pradesh in this report must be construed as the undivided State of Andhra Pradesh.

6 3 days have been added to the total number of days on account of leap years occurring in 2004, 2008 and 2012. This amounts to 4,748 days in all for the period 2001‐2013. The period between 2001‐2012 had 4,383 days. 

7 The lack of awareness may also extend to policemen who may be blissfully unaware of the changes in the law relating to the offence of rape. Experience shows that circulars about changes to the criminal law sent from the highest office does not always reach the constabulary simply because everybody is quite busy going about their routine duties. Special awareness raising programmes are required to apprise police personnel about changes in the criminal law and procedure in a timely manner.

 8 A 13‐year comparison will require more time to cull out the data from the published reports – a task we hope to accomplish in future.

9 It is strange that despite rape not being a compoundable offence under the Indian Penal Code, the authorities permit such compromises and even record it.

New Paper Posted: "International Financial Institutions (IFIs) and Sovereign Wealth Funds—SWFs as Instruments to Strengthen Governance and Enhance Fiscal Discipline in Developing States"

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(Pix (c) Larry Catá Backer 2014)


Though sovereign wealth funds (SWFs) have been around since the 1950s, they became much more important instruments of global finance with the maturing of the current system of globalization. Their distinguishing feature was their use of state wealth to invest outside their home states. That characteristic, when exercised by large funds (Norway, Singapore, Malaysia) or by powerful states (Russia and China) raised substantial concerns about the use of private markets to leverage public power. The economic turmoil of 2008 and thereafter, along with the advancement of quasi public self regulatory soft law (the Santiago Principles) substantially ameliorated the sense fo threat. immediately before the Originally SWFs raised concern.

By the start of the second decade of the 21st Century, then, SWFs became again he province of specialists, except for some who continued to see the transformative potential of SWFs at the intersection of public and private finance and governance systems. At the same time, SWF objectives appeared to change as well--most recently focusing on the value of SWFs as an internal ordering device. But this change has substantial ramifications, not just for any theory of SWFs but also for their role in the emerging governance systems around the evolving global financial, governmental and legal systems.

Further to that engagement, I have just posted a new paper to the Social Science Research Network (SSRN) that considers an aspect of this issue: "International Financial Institutions (IFIs) and Sovereign Wealth Funds—SWFs as Instruments to Strengthen Governance and Enhance Fiscal Discipline in Developing States." The Abstract, Contents and Introduction follow. A later version will appear in a special issue of Volume 2014 International Review of Law (Qatar University).




International Financial Institutions (IFIs) and Sovereign Wealth Funds—SWFs as Instruments to Strengthen Governance and Enhance Fiscal Discipline in Developing States

Larry Catá Backer[1]

Abstract: Especially since the start of the second decade of the 21st century once more has seen more focused interest in the use of SWFs by home states—less as a means of projecting sovereign financial power outwards and more as a means of internal financial management, and development. What makes this interesting from the perspective of SWF development, is the role of IFIs in SWF development. This essay takes a first look to the way in which IFIs have also begun to use SWFs in their interactions, with a emphasis on developing states. A review of some recent efforts to establish SWFs with a stabilization or development focus suggests the way in which these funds now may better serve the project of fiscal and governance internationalization, and the development of global policy coherence around the fiscal ideologies of IFIs, rather than as an instrument of national policy. Part II briefly sketches the IFI’s interest in and approach to SWFs as a part of their investment, capacity building and rule of law toolkits. Part III then reviews the manifestation of this approach in the development of SWFs in a number of developing states. The essay suggests the ways that stabilization and development SWFs may better serve financial globalization than the particular interest of states establishing them precisely by transposing global standards of fiscal and governance behavior into the internal workings of states. In this sense development and stabilization SWFs serve as an instrument of globalization from the top down (through IFI policy operationalization) perhaps as effectively as SWFs that seek to project national financial power through private market investments abroad. But it also creates the possibility of divergence in SWF character as the consequences of the use of SWFs as governance devices may produce substantial deviation from the traditional organizational parameters of SWFs as instruments of macroeconomic policy.

_________


I. Introduction.

Sovereign wealth funds (SWFs) have emerged, especially from the start of the 21st century, as important players in global finance.[2] They represent a marked departure from the traditional roles of states and permit political entities, public institutions, to engage in private market transactions beyond their national borders as private market participants. They underline an important element in the development of institutions and systems beyond the state.[3] They also implicate a number of factors in the role of states as structures for the management of economic policy, and as a participant in those markets.[4]

SWFs incarnate and replicate the collisions between two tectonic forces that are grinding their way to a new normative framework of governance and power. On the one side is the state system, grounded in principles of sovereignty and of the fundamental distinction between the state and everything else, founded on formal structures and the respect for territorial borders. On the other side is the emerging system of societally constituted functionally distinct governance organs, grounded in principles of free movement of capital and investment, founded on systems of functional structures in which territory boundaries reference the functional boundaries of self constituted groups.[5]

Though SWFs attract less attention in the popular press than they did before the events of the Arab Spring and related events distracted the media and political elites, they remain an important and increasingly significant actor in the evolution of economic globalization and its consequences for the role of states and non-state enterprises in economic markets.[6] And SWFs have become an integral part of interlocked and network economic relations that in the aggregate give globalization its form.[7] Developed states continue to encourage inbound investment by SWFs,[8] though constrained by their national interests,[9] and sometimes fearful of the political effects of the exportation of financial power.[10]

In recent years SWFs have evolved significantly as investors.[11] SWFs are a not inconsiderable source of foreign direct investment and are investing in a broad spectrum of assets including farmland, airports, energy, finance, real estate, equity markets and have strengthened global economic links by entering into partnerships and joint ventures with private entities and other SWFs. It is no surprise, then, that SWFs have become objects of intense and systematic study.[12] This academic and policy engagement is generally divided among those with an interest in governance structure, fund management, and investment objectives, strategy and implementation.[13] Of particular importance to lawyers and policy analysts are those issues touching on an exploration of emerging governance issues of sovereign wealth funds (“SWFs”).[14] Of particular interest to economists have been the effects of sovereign investing on extraterritorial markets.[15]

But SWFs are not merely of concern to host states,[16] or to home states as a means of strategic sovereign investing,[17] or as a method of levering power in international governance.[18] Especially since the start of the second decade of the 21st century once more has seen more focused interest in the use of SWFs by home states—less as a means of projecting sovereign financial power outwards and more as a means of internal financial management,[19] and development.[20] They have also been seen as vehicles for regional development.[21] Indeed, SWFs have been increasingly seen as important instruments of internal macroeconomic policy.[22] They are both deeply embedded within and outside their home states.[23]

International financial institutions (IFIs) have also begun to consider the value of SWFs in their own activities. The International Monetary Fund was a facilitator in the development of the institutional architecture[24] that led to the development of the influential soft law standards of SWF behavioral principles, the Santiago[25] Principles.[26] Especially in the form of stabilization and savings funds,[27] and development funds,[28] and for fiscal disciplinary purposes,[29] SWFs have been taken up with the IMF’s technical assistance and lending projects for some time.[30] It now appears that IFIs may come to view SWFs as a useful part of the IFI’s lending and capacity building toolkits for developing states that meet certain criteria. At the same time, SWFs have come to view IFIs, like the World Bank, as a potential investment aggregator and conduit.[31]

This essay takes a first look to the way in which IFIs have also begun to use SWFs in their interactions, with a emphasis on developing states. It focuses specifically on the effects of IFI leadership in shaping SWF organization and operation in developing states as it might relate, generally, to the broad governance themes of climate change, corporate governance of portfolio companies, environmental protection, ethical investing, global financial regulation, human rights, regulation of SWFs, renewable energy and sustainable development.[32] Part II briefly sketches the IFI’s interest in and approach to SWFs as a part of their investment, capacity building and rule of law toolkits. Part III then reviews the manifestation of this approach in the development of SWFs in a number of developing states. The central insight of this analysis, and the thesis of this essay is this: a functional examination of SWFs established in developing states (whether or not resource rich) suggests that the expansion of the use of SWFs, driven in part by IFIs, may be creating a fundamental tension as the consequences of SWFs established as a governance device may begin to deviate in substantial respects from SWFs used as an instrument of macroeconomic policy.


NOTES:

[1] W. Richard and Mary Eshelman Faculty Scholar & Professor of Law, Professor of International Affairs, Pennsylvania State University. The author may be contacted at lcb911@gmail.com. He is grateful to Professor Joel Slawatsky and the staff of the International Review of Law for their excellent work in putting together this important issue.


[2] See, e.g., Joel Slawotsky, Sovereign Wealth Funds as Emerging Financial Superpowers: How U.S. Regulators Should Respond, 40 Geo. J. Int'l L. 1239, 1239, 1246-48 (2009)


[3] See, Larry Catá Backer, The Structural Characteristics of Global Law for the 21st Century: Fracture, Fluidity, Permeability, and Polycentricity, 17(2) Tilburg Law Review177 (2012).


[4] Udaibir S. Das, Yinqiu Lu, Christian, Mulder, and Amadou Sy, Setting up a Sovereign Wealth Fund: Some Policy and Operational Considerations, IMF Working Paper WP/09/179 (August 2009) (“Created by the general government for macroeconomic purposes, SWFs hold, manage, or administer financial assets to achieve financial objectives, and employ a set of investment strategies which include investing in foreign financial assets.” Id., 5), available https://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/wp/2009/wp09179.pdf.


[5] Larry Catá, Review Essay: Taking a Step Toward a Law for Sovereign Wealth Funds (September 7, 2012). Consortium for Peace Ethics Working Paper No. 2012-9/1, available http://ssrn.com/abstract=2143452.


[6] See, e.g., Nigeria to start $1B sovereign wealth fund, Boston.com, August 31, 2012 available http://www.boston.com/news/world/africa/2012/08/28/nigeria-start-sovereign-wealth-fund/V2dmU1sdw6y92ywkiEAAON/story.html ("Nigerian authorities pushed for the creation of a sovereign wealth fund as a means to better save the billions of dollars the nation annually earns annual from oil revenues. Opaque budgeting and corruption sees much of the money siphoned away.").


[7] Cf. Joseph Stiglitz, Making Globalization Work (New York: W. W. Norton & Company; Reprint edition 2007)); Marwan M. Kraisdy, Hybridity or the Cultural Logic of Globalization (Philadelphia, Temple University Press, 2005).


[8] White House Encourages Sovereign-Wealth Fund to Take Stakes, Wall St. J. (Jan. 27, 2011), http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748704062604576105952027426.


[9] In the United States, this interest review is undertaken by the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS), an inter-agency committee authorized to review “covered transactions” (transactions that could result in control of a U.S. business by a foreign person), in order to determine the effect of such transactions on the national security of the United States. This system of review is undertaken pursuant to Defense Production Act of 1950, as amended by the Foreign Investment and National Security Act of 2007 (section 721) and as implemented by Executive Order 11858, as amended, and regulations at 31 C.F.R. Part 800. See, e.g., U.S. Treasury Department, Home, Resource Center, International, The Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS) available http://www.treasury.gov/resource-center/international/Pages/Committee-on-Foreign-Investment-in-US.aspx. The political effects can be significant. See, e.g., Ziad Haider, China Inc. and the CFIUS National Security Review, The Diplomat, Dec. 5, 2013, available http://thediplomat.com/2013/12/china-inc-and-the-cfius-national-security-review/.


[10] See, e.g., Edwin Truman, Sovereign Wealth Funds: Threat or Salvation? (Peterson Institute for International Economics (Peterson Institute for International Economics, 2010).


[11] See, e.g., by Massimiliano Castelli , Fabio Scacciavillani, The New Economics of Sovereign Wealth Funds (Wiley, 2012).


[12] See, e.g., Fabio Bassan, The Law of Sovereign Wealth Funds ((Cheltenham, Eng.: Edward Elgar, 2011); Gordon L. Clark, Adam D. Dixon, Ashby H.B. Monk, Sovereign Wealth Funds: Legitimacy, Governance, and Global Power (Princeton University Press, 2013).


[13] See, e.g., Abdullah Al-Hassan, Michael G Papaioannou, Martin Skancke, and Cheng Chih Sung, Sovereign Wealth Funds: Aspects of Governance Structures and Investment Management, IMF Working Paper WP/13/231 (2013) available https://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/wp/2013/wp13231.pdf; Martin Skancke, Hearing on Foreign Government Investment in the US Economy and Financial Sector before the Committee on Financial Services US House of Representatives (March 5, 2008) Available http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/CHRG-110hhrg41725/html/CHRG-110hhrg41725.htm.


[14] See, e.g., essays in The Political economy of Sovereign Wealth Funds (Xu Yi-chong and Gawdat Bahgat eds., Palgrave Macmillan, 2010). Cf., Eliot Kalter and Thomas F. Holt, Jr., Key International Issues for Sovereign Wealth Funds, The Fletcher School Sovereign Wealth Fund Initiative (Spring 2010), available http://fletcher.tufts.edu/CEME/~/media/Fletcher/Microsites/CEME/newpdfs/SWFI_Key_Issues.ashx; Gawdat Bahgat, Sovereign Wealth Funds, An Assessment, Global Policy 1(2):162-171 (May 2010) available http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1758-5899.2010.00008.x/pdf. For an application in the context of a subordinate governmental unit, see, Chamber of Commerce and Industry of Western Australia, Examining the Issues of Sovereign Wealth Funds (2012 Sovereign Wealth Fund Issues Paper) (suggesting that SWFs are on balance not of benefit to developed states or their subordinate units, id., pp. 10-12) available http://www.cciwa.com/docs/advocacy/sovereign-wealth-paper_final.pdf?sfvrsn=2.


[15] See, e g., Tao Sun and Heiko Hesse, Sovereign Wealth Funds and Financial Stability—An Event Study Analysis, IMF Working Paper WP/ 09/239 (Oct. 2009). Available http://www10.iadb.org/intal/intalcdi/PE/2009/04299.pdf.


[16] See, e.g., Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament, the Council, the European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions - A common European approach to Sovereign Wealth Funds, /* COM/2008/0115 final */ 27 Feb. 2008. Available http://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/ALL/;jsessionid=dq3pTLMJtQgJhfggjqYskf86r2WT9ppzGXhSwkJNHvVMQ7gkZp2v!-1639360510?uri=CELEX:52008DC0115.


[17] Cf. Larry Catá Backer, Sovereign Investing in Times of Crisis: Global Regulation of Sovereign Wealth Funds, State Owned Enterprises and the Chinese Experience, 19(1) Transnational Law & Contemporary Problems 3-144 (2010).


[18] Cf. Larry Catá Backer, Sovereign Investing and Markets-Based Transnational Rule of Law Building: The Norwegian Sovereign Wealth Fund in Global Markets, 29(1) American University International Law Review 1-121 (2013).


[19] See, e.g., John Shields and Mauricio Villafuerte, Sovereign Wealth Funds and Economic Policy at Home, in Economics of Sovereign Wealth Funds: Issues for Policymakers (Udaibir Das, Adnan Mazarei , and Han van der Hoorn, eds., Intl Monetary Fund (2010)). See also, Håvard Halland, Alan Gelb, Silvana Tordo, Sovereign Wealth Funds Investing at Home: Opportunity Fraught with Risks, posted to Sovereign Wealth Funds Are Coming Home, Growth and Crisis Blog, World Bank, Jan. 15, 2014. Available http://blogs.worldbank.org/growth/sovereign-wealth-funds-are-coming-home.


[20] See, e.g., Alan Gelb, Silvana Tordo, and Håvard Halland, Sovereign Wealth Funds and Domestic Investment in Resource-Rich Countries: Love Me, or Love Me Not? The World Bank, Economic Premise, No. 133, Jan. 2014 available http://siteresources.worldbank.org/EXTPREMNET/Resources/EP133.pdf.


[21] See, e.g., Asim Ali and Shatha Al-Aswad, SWFs and Egypt: A Fresh Look at Infrastructure Funding and Investments, The Fletcher School, Tufts University The Sovereign Wealth Fund Initiative (March 2012).


[22] See, Abdullah Al-Hassan, Michael G Papaioannou, Martin Skancke, and Cheng Chih Sung, Sovereign Wealth Funds: Aspects of Governance Structures and Investment Management, IMF Working Paper WP/13/231 (2013) available https://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/wp/2013/wp13231.pdf; (discusses, among other things, SWF roles in macroeconomic management and the need for close coordination with other macroeconomic and financial policies as well as their role in global financial stability)


[23] Cf. Michel Aglietta, Sovereign Wealth Funds in the Mutation of Global Finance, CSAF International Conference, Sovereign Wealth Fiunds and Institutional Investors, Abu Dhabi 2013. Available http://economix.fr/pdf/seminaires/crise/ABUDHABI_MA_2013.pdf.


[24] That institutional architecture, the International Working Group of Sovereign Wealth Funds, “met at IMF Headquarters in Washington, D.C. The meeting facilitated a useful exchange of views among the SWFs, recipient countries, and representatives from the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) and the European Commission. . . . The IWG is comprised of representatives from 25 IMF member countries, and is co-chaired by a senior representative of the Abu Dhabi Investment Authority (ADIA) and the Director of the IMF's Monetary and Capital Markets Department who were selected by the participating SWFs.” International Working Group of Sovereign Wealth Funds is Established to Facilitate Work on Voluntary Principles, Press Release No. 08/01 (May 1, 2008) available http://www.iwg-swf.org/pr/swfpr0801.htm.


[25] In 2008, the OECD Secretary General explained the nature of the facilitation and the involvement of IPO and IFIs: “A year ago, the G7 called on the IMF and the OECD to explore how sovereign wealth fund investments fit into the global economy. Following that call, in April of this year, the OECD Investment Committee sent the message that recipient countries welcome investment from SWFs, and that they will treat such investments the same as any other foreign investment. Today, the Sovereign Wealth Funds and the IMF have delivered a set of Agreed Principles and Practices about their own transparency and governance.” IMF Ministerial-level Roundtable on the “Santiago Principles” for Sovereign Wealth Funds, remarks by OECD Secretary-General, OECD, 11 Oct. 2008, available http://www.oecd.org/daf/inv/investment-policy/imfministerial-levelroundtableonthesantiagoprinciplesforsovereignwealthfundsremarksbyoecdsecretary-general.htm.


[26] International Working Group of Sovereign Wealth Funds, Generally Accepted Principles and Practices (GAPP)—Santiago Principles (2008), available http://www.iwg-swf.org/pubs/eng/santiagoprinciples.pdf.


[27]“Stabilization funds aim to reduce the impact of volatile revenue on the government and the economy. Savings funds seek to create a store of wealth for future generations.” Jeffrey Davis, Rolando Ossowski, James Daniel, and Steven Barnett, Stabilization and Savings Funds for Nonrenewable Resources Experience and Fiscal Policy Implications, IMF Occasional Paper No. 205 (April 13, 2001), available http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/nft/op/205/.


[28] For a brief definition, see, e.g., Sovereign Wealth Fund Institute, Strategic Development Sovereign Wealth Fund (SDSWF), available http://www.swfinstitute.org/statistics-research/strategic-development-sovereign-wealth-fund/ (identifying a domestic stabilizer scenario, an industry job creator scenario, a country-corporate alliance scenario, and a resource transfer scenario).


[29]“The general justification for such funds is that some share of government revenues derived from the exploitation of a nonrenewable resource should be put aside for when these revenues decline, because the price of the resource has fallen, or the resource has been depleted or both.” Id.


[30] The approach was described in IMF Intensifies Work on Sovereign Wealth Funds, IMF Survey Magazine Online, March 4, 2008. Available http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/survey/so/2008/pol03408a.htm.


[31] See Howard Schneider, World Bank gets help from sovereign wealth funds to invest in developing nations, Washington Post, April 18, 2010, available http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/04/17/AR2010041702921.html.

On the New Members of the Human Rights Council "Independent International Commission of Inquiry to Investigate all Violations of International Humanitarian Law and International Human Rights Law"

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(Pix (c) Larry Catá Backer 2014)

On August 11, 2014, the President of the Human Rights Council, Baudelaire Ndong Ella, appointed the members of the Human Rights Council's "independent international commission of inquiry to investigate all violations of international humanitarian law and international human rights law" in the area that the Human Rights Council describes as "the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, particularly in the Gaza Strip."Letter to All Permanent Representatives to the United Nations Office and Other International Organizations in Geneva from the President of the Human Rights Council, Baudelaire Ndong Ella, Geneva, August 11, 2014 (the note verbale).

The three commissioners named include Ms. Amal Alamuddin (United Kingdom), Mr. Doudou Diène (Senegal) and Mr. William Schabas (chair, Canada, Eire).
Some information about the commissioners follow along with the text of Council resolution S-21/1.

The naming has already been marred by missteps and institutional embarrassment. These suggest difficulties in the process of selecting the members of this commission that point to a regrettable lack of transparency and coordination within the HRC.It suggests, to some extent, the difficulties states continue to experience when they seek to manage their affairs within their community but within structures of mass media and mass democracy.

Most interesting in this respect was the appointment of Ms. Amal Alamuddin, a British-Lebanese barrister (Doughty Street Chambers), activist and author. She specializes in international law, criminal law, human rights, and extradition.  Most recently she has become known for her relationship with the American actor George Clooney.  At the time of the announcement of her appoint, Ms. Alamuddin issued a statement declining to serve.  It was reported this way:

Despite reports to the contrary, Amal Alamuddin will not be serving on the United Nations' Gaza Human Rights Commission.

George Clooney's fiancé released the following statement regarding the recent news, and explained why she chose to turn down the position.

"There are various reports published today stating that I have been appointed as one of the three members of the UN Commission of Inquiry for Gaza. I am horrified by the situation in the occupied Gaza Strip, particularly the civilian causalities that have been caused, and strongly believe that there should be an independent investigation and accountability for crimes that have been committed."

PHOTOS: Hollywood gets political
Ramey Photo

The British attorney continued, "I was contacted by the UN about this for the first time this morning. I am honoured to have received the offer, but given existing commitments—including eight ongoing cases—unfortunately could not accept this role.

"I wish my colleagues who will serve on the commission courage and strength in their endeavours."

Aside from Alamuddin's hectic work schedule, she's obviously been busy planning her upcoming nuptials to the Hollywood star. (Lily Harrison, News/Amal Alamuddin Explains Why She Will Not Serve on the UN's Gaza Human Rights Commission, E, Aug. 11, 2014).
 The United Nations has prepared the following summary of information about Mr. Diène:

MR. DOUDOU DIÈNE, United Nations Special Rapporteur on contemporary Forms of Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance

Born in Senegal in 1941, Doudou Diène was a prizewinner in philosophy in Senegal’s Concours Général. He holds a law degree from the University of Caen, a doctorate in public law from the University of Paris and a diploma in political science from the Institut d’Études Politiques in Paris. Having joined the UNESCO Secretariat in 1977, in 1980 he was appointed Director of the Liaison Office with the United Nations, Permanent Missions and United Nations departments in New York. Prior to this, he had served as deputy representative of Senegal to UNESCO (1972–77) and, in that capacity, as Vice-President and Secretary of the African Group and Group of 77. Between 1985 and 1987, he held the posts of Deputy Assistant Director-General for External Relations, spokesperson for the Director-General, and acting Director of the Bureau of Public Information. After a period as Project Manager of the ‘Integral Study of the Silk Roads: Roads of Dialogue’ aimed at revitalizing East-West dialogue, he was appointed Director of the Division of Intercultural Projects in 1993 (currently Division of Intercultural Dialogue). In this capacity, he directed various projects on intercultural dialogue, including the Slave Route, Routes of Faith, Routes of al-Andalus, and Iron Roads in Africa. In 1998 he was placed in charge of activities pertaining to inter-religious dialogue. In 2002, he was appointed by the Commission on Human Rights as Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance, a mandate that was later extended by the Human Rights Council. He is the author of numerous publications and has chaired and been the distinguished guest on various panels, radio and television programs, including Neuf siècles de guerres saintes (May 1996), UNESCO/ARTE; Sur la piste des caravanes: L’endroit de toutes les rencontres (February 1998); Sur la route des épices (March 2000), UNESCO/NDR/ARTE; and a programme in the Thalassa series on The Slave Route (FR3, April 1998). He is co-author of Patrimoine culturel et créations contemporaines and of Vol. 35, No. 2 of the Journal of International Affairs on the New World Information Order. He has also published many articles on the issue of intercultural and inter-religious dialogue in journals such as Archeologia, Historia, Sciences et Vie, Actualité des Religions, Diogenes, etc. Editorial director of From Chains to Bonds, (UNESCO, 1998), he wrote the preface to Tradition orale et archives de la traite négrière (UNESCO, 2001), as well as the editorial of Newsletter No. 2 of ‘The Slave Route’ (UNESCO, 2001).

The Chair, William Schabas, is a well known expert in human rights and genocide,is a professor at Middlesex University (North London). His faculty profile at Middelsex University provides:
Professor William A. Schabas is professor of international law at Middlesex University in London. He is also professor of international human law and human rights at Leiden University, emeritus professor of human rights law at the National University of Ireland Galway and honorary chairman of the Irish Centre for Human Rights, invited visiting scholar at the Paris School of International Affairs (Sciences Politiques), honorary professor at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences in Beijing, visiting fellow of Kellogg College of the University of Oxford, and professeur associé at the Université du Québec à Montréal. Prof. Schabas is a 'door tenant' at the chambers of 9 Bedford Row, in London.

Professor Schabas holds BA and MA degrees in history from the University of Toronto and LLB, LLM and LLD degrees from the University of Montreal, as well as honorary doctorates in law from several universities. He is the author of more than twenty books dealing in whole or in part with international human rights law, including: The Universal Declaration of Human Rights: travaux préparatoires (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013); Unimaginable Atrocities, Justice, Politics and Rights at the War Crimes Tribunals (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), The International Criminal Court: A Commentary on the Rome Statute (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), Introduction to the International Criminal Court (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011, 4th ed.), Genocide in International Law (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2nd ed., 2009) and The Abolition of the Death Penalty in International Law (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2003, 3rd ed.). He has also published more than 300 articles in academic journals, principally in the field of international human rights law and international criminal law. His writings have been translated into Russian, German, Spanish, Portuguese, Chinese, Japanese, Arabic, Persian, Turkish, Nepali and Albanian.

Professor Schabas is editor-in-chief of Criminal Law Forum, the quarterly journal of the International Society for the Reform of Criminal Law.He is President of the Irish Branch of the International Law Association and chair of the International Institute for Criminal Investigation. From 2002 to 2004 he served as one of three international members of the Sierra Leone Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Professor Schabas has worked as a consultant on capital punishment for the United Nations Office of Drugs and Crime, and drafted the 2010 report of the Secretary-General on the status of the death penalty (UN Doc. E/2010/10).

Professor Schabas was named an Officer of the Order of Canada in 2006. He was elected a member of the Royal Irish Academy in 2007. He has been awarded the Vespasian V. Pella Medal for International Criminal Justice of the Association internationale de droit pénal, and the Gold Medal in the Social Sciences of the Royal Irish Academy.


In addition to his academic and experienital credentials, he appears to be quite vocal in a judgment, now well articulated in public fora, of the criminality of the head of government of the State of Israel. Haaretz, a newspapers in Israel reported:
The United Nations Human Rights Council last night named the three members of the international commission of inquiry to investigate possible war crimes by Israel during Operation Protective Edge. A senior official in the Foreign Ministry said that despite Israel’s attempts to influence the composition of the panel, the final outcome is unbalanced and problematic.

The three-member panel will be chaired by Prof. William Schabas, a Canadian expert on international law whose academic focus has been on genocide. He is known to be highly critical of Israel and harshly attacked Operation Cast Lead at the time (2008-09). He praised the report issued by the Goldstone Committee following that operation, and said the commission’s chairman, Richard Goldstone, should be awarded the Nobel Peace Prize.

Schabas has called in the past for the International Criminal Court in The Hague to put Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former President Shimon Peres on trial. Last year, at a conference in New York, Schabas said: “My favorite would be Netanyahu within the dock of the International Criminal Court.” A few years earlier, he said that if there was an indictment in the ICC against the president of Sudan for genocide, why should a similar indictment not be issued against the Israeli president for events in Gaza.
Professor Schabas has rejected the charges of bias and the calls for recusal.




"The suggestion that I'm anti-Israel is absurd," William Schabas said Monday in an interview from Toronto, pointing out that he's on the editorial board of the Israel Law Review.

"Like everybody inside and outside Israel, I disagree with people. Is everyone in Israel who has an opinion about (Benjamin) Netanyahu anti-Israel?" (Lee Anne Goodman, William Schabas, head of UN Gaza commission, dismisses anti-Israel charge, CBC News, Aug., 11, 2014)

Sadly, and  whatever their strength, these very public opinions may impede acceptance of any of the recommendations of the Commission as it goes about its work.  The impediment is deepened to the extent the commission is meant to produce a quasi judicial role--finding facts from which it will indict the culpable on the basis of shared  premises and according to "law". That perception is hard to maintain given both the language of the Resolution and the noticeable absence of participation by the State of Israel, the real object of all of this activity.  In Or it will enhance the work of the Commission if that work is understood as cultural-political, designed to reinforce the normative premises of the international order applied to a political judgement reached about the viability and culpability of the Jewish population of Israel and its government. When combined with the judgements already set out in Council resolution S-21/1 (set out below), it is unlikely that the Commission will receive much cooperation from Israel or much support from the United States.  In addition recent speeches by high HCR officials might be useful to get a sense of the direction in which the Commission will be undertaking its work:
Speeches/Statements made by the High Commissioner:

Speaking to the Informal Plenary Meeting of the General Assembly on the situation in Gaza, 6 August, the High Commissioner noted that the current has now superseded, in casualties and duration, the Israeli military operations of 2008/2009, and called it "a terrible failure for humanity". The need for investigation and accountability raised during previous Israeli military operations has still not been met, she noted, but added that the Commission of Inquiry established by the Human Rights Council last month will help to establish clarity regarding acts committed by all parties, thus beginning to address accountability issues related to the current hostilities. The HC also observed that the 2009 Fact-Finding Mission on Gaza noted the need for the International Criminal Court to address the situation, and said, "Such a recommendation is still relevant today."

Full text of the speech available HERE:


At a Special Session of the Human Rights Council on the human rights situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, which took place on 23 July, the HC reiterated to all actors in this conflict that civilians must not be targeted. "It is imperative that Israel, Hamas and all Palestinian armed groups strictly abide by applicable norms of international humanitarian law and international human rights law," she said. "This entails applying the principles of distinction between civilians and combatants and between civilian objects and military objectives; proportionality; and precautions in attack". She noted a number of incidents "where there seems to be a strong possibility that international humanitarian law has been violated, in a manner that could amount to war crimes" and said every such incident must be thoroughly investigated, since impunity for alleged violations of international law invites further transgressions.

Full text of the speech available HERE


It is regrettable as well that the work of the Commission will likely serve only to feed any pre-judgments well in evidence in official statements and media accounts. And that, of course, is the great difficulty of setting lawyers on a quest for legal conclusions with respect to a matter the politics of which may not be ignored. It would indeed be odd if the Commission did not use its work, however much the Israeli's choose to ignore or deny it access,  to produce something that will lead to indictments of any number of high Israeli officials and to move toward efforts to discredit the government of that state because of its religious composition. But that certainty, ironically, will also de-legitimate the work of the Commission, and thereafter that of the ICC (if it chooses to go forward) in the eyes of states and civil society actors who believe that these efforts are no more than efforts to further the interests of one set of combatants in the great Jewish-Muslim wars. Indeed, the religious nature of the wars between Muslims and Jews, played out in Palestine-Israel remain one of the great unacknowledged events of this century. While the West tends to play down the religious element, and indeed make it invisible within the great structures of law it has sought to constrict after the Second World War, it is that stubborn and quite instrumental blindness that will continue to make it difficult to develop any relationship between the great structures of international law and the realities on the ground.  The use of the mechanics and facilities of the state system to manage religious wars, where some but not all combatants play any role provides perverse and ironic inversion of what many people suggest is the realities of war on the ground in Gaza.  This is all to be regretted, especially to the extent the consequences of these precedents may someday come to haunt the instittuions that are meant to be built thereby. For institution builders all of these actions under cover of international normative frameworks might produce some concern for the long term viability of the system itself. That danger of illegitimacy, now looping back on the instrument of that movement against the State of Israel, may be the long term consequence for the current approach to the U.N.'s "Jewish problem."

And that might serve as a warning about the necessity of practicing proportionality, inclusion and other important values, if one expects the same in return. In its absence, the Commission will merely reproduce in inverse the unsatisfactory results of war in which total victory is impossible and yet deeply desired to the point of irrationality. For those of us who value the development of an international architecture for resolving issues of human rights, the Jewish-Muslim wars have become the arena in which the legitimacy of those structures are either furthered or weakened.  It is too early to tell in which directions events will take the participants. But the willingness to start an inquiry with a set of conclusions does not bode well either for the outcome of the Commission's work or for the legitimacy of the use of international human rights and humanitarian law in a global context of religious and asymmetric warfare in which the old political tropes of the 20th century appear to have lost their meaning but not their utility.

_________


Human Rights Council
Twenty-first special session
23 July 2014
                   Resolution adopted by the Human Rights Council
                   S-21/1
Ensuring respect for international law in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem
     The Human Rights Council,
Guided by the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,
Recalling General Assembly resolution 60/251 of 15 March 2006 and Human Rights Council resolutions 5/1 and 5/2 of 18 June 2007,
Reaffirming the right to self-determination of the Palestinian people and the inadmissibility of the acquisition of land by the use of force, as enshrined in the Charter,
Affirming the applicability of international human rights law and international humanitarian law, in particular the Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, of 12 August 1949,[1] to the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem,
Reaffirming that all High Contracting Parties to the Fourth Geneva Convention1 are under the obligation to respect and ensure respect for the obligations arising from the said Convention in relation to the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and reaffirming their obligations under articles 146, 147 and 148 with regard to penal sanctions, grave breaches and the responsibilities of the High Contracting Parties,
Gravely concerned at the lack of implementation of the recommendations contained in the report of the United Nations Fact-Finding Mission on the Gaza Conflict of 2009,[2] and convinced that lack of accountability for violations of international law reinforces a culture of impunity, leading to a recurrence of violations and seriously endangering the maintenance of international peace,
Noting that 9 July 2014 marked the tenth anniversary of the adoption of the advisory opinion by the International Court of Justice on the legal consequences of the construction of a wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory and that no progress has been made on its implementation, and affirming the urgent need to respect and ensure respect for international humanitarian law and international human rights law in this regard,
Firmly convinced that justice and respect for the rule of law are the indispensable bases for peace, and stressing that prevailing long-standing and systemic impunity for international law violations has created a justice crisis in the Occupied Palestinian Territory that warrants action, including accountability for international crimes,
Noting the systematic failure by Israel to carry out genuine investigations in an impartial, independent, prompt and effective way, as required by international law, on violence and offences carried out against Palestinians by the occupying forces and settlers and to establish judicial accountability over its military actions in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem,
Emphasizing the obligations of Israel as the occupying Power to ensure the welfare and safety of the Palestinian civilian population under its occupation in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and in the Gaza Strip, and noting Israel’s wilful abdication and rejection of its obligations in this regard,
Noting that the deliberate targeting of civilians and other protected persons and the perpetration of systematic, flagrant and widespread violations of applicable international humanitarian law and international human rights law in situations of armed conflict constitute grave breaches and a threat to international peace and security,
Deploring the massive Israeli military operations in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, since 13 June 2014, which have involved disproportionate and indiscriminate attacks and resulted in grave violations of the human rights of the Palestinian civilian population, including through the most recent Israeli military assault on the occupied Gaza Strip, the latest in a series of military aggressions by Israel, and actions of mass closure, mass arrest and the killing of civilians in the occupied West Bank,
Expressing grave concernat the critical humanitarian situation in the Gaza Strip, including in particular the forced displacement of tens of thousands of Palestinian civilians, the crisis in access to adequate water and sanitation services affecting nearly 1 million people, and the extensive damage to electricity infrastructure resulting in 80 per cent of the population receiving electricity only four hours a day, and underlining the importance of providing emergency humanitarian assistance to them and other victims,
Welcoming the establishment of the Palestinian national consensus Government on 2 July 2014 as an important step towards Palestinian reconciliation, which is crucial for achieving a two-State solution based on the pre-1967 borders and lasting peace, and emphasizing that the situation of the occupied Gaza Strip is unsustainable as long as it remains geographically, politically and economically separated from the West Bank,
1.     Strongly condemns the failure of Israel, the occupying Power, to end its prolonged occupation of the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, in accordance with international law and relevant United Nations resolutions;
2.     Condemnsin the strongest terms the widespread, systematic and gross violations of international human rights and fundamental freedoms arising from the Israeli military operations carried out in the Occupied Palestinian Territory since 13 June 2014, particularly the latest Israeli military assault on the occupied Gaza Strip, by air, land and sea, which has involved disproportionate and indiscriminate attacks, including aerial bombardment of civilian areas, the targeting of civilians and civilian properties in collective punishment contrary to international law, and other actions, including the targeting of medical and humanitarian personnel, that may amount to international crimes, directly resulting in the killing of more than 650 Palestinians, most of them civilians and more than 170 of whom are children, the injury of more than 4,000 people and the wanton destruction of homes, vital infrastructure and public properties;
3.     Condemnsall violence against civilians wherever it occurs, including the killing of two Israeli civilians as a result of rocket fire, and urges all parties concerned to respect their obligations under international humanitarian law and international human rights law;
4.     Calls for an immediate cessation of Israeli military assaults throughout the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and an end to attacks against all civilians, including Israeli civilians;
5.     Welcomesthe initiative of Egypt, supported by the League of Arab States, and calls for all regional and international actors to support this initiative in view of securing a comprehensive ceasefire;
6.     Demandsthat Israel, the occupying Power, immediately and fully end its illegal closure of the occupied Gaza Strip, which in itself amounts to collective punishment of the Palestinian civilian population, including through the immediate, sustained and unconditional opening of the crossings for the flow of humanitarian aid, commercial goods and persons to and from the Gaza Strip, in compliance with its obligations under international humanitarian law;
7.     Calls upon the international community, including the States Members of the United Nations, international financial institutions and intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations, as well as regional and interregional organizations, to provide urgently needed humanitarian assistance and services to the Palestinian people in the Gaza Strip, including by supporting the emergency appeal launched by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East on 17 July 2014;
8.     Expressesgrave concern at the rising number of incidents of violence, destruction, harassment, provocation and incitement by extremist Israeli settlers illegally transferred to the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, against Palestinian civilians, including children, and their properties, and condemns in the strongest terms the resulting perpetration of hate crimes;
9.     Expressesdeep concern at the condition of Palestinian prisoners and detainees in Israeli jails and detention centres, in particular following the arrest by Israel of more than 1,000 Palestinians since 13 June 2014, and calls upon Israel, the occupying Power, to immediately release all Palestinian prisoners whose detention is not in accordance with international law, including all children and all members of the Palestinian Legislative Council;
10.   Underlinesthe importance of ensuring the protection of all civilians, emphasizes the continued failure of Israel to protect the Palestinian civilian population under its occupation as demanded by international law, and in this context calls for immediate international protection for the Palestinian people in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, in accordance with the relevant provisions of the Charter of the United Nations, international humanitarian law and international human rights law;
11.   Recommendsthat the Government of Switzerland, in its capacity as depositary of the Fourth Geneva Convention,1 promptly reconvene the conference of High Contracting Parties to the Convention on measures to enforce the Convention in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and to ensure its respect in accordance with article 1 common to the four Geneva Conventions,[3] bearing in mind the statement adopted by the Conference of the High Contracting Parties on 15 July 1999, and the Declaration adopted by the Conference on 5 December 2001;
12.   Requestsall relevant special procedures mandate holders to urgently seek and gather information on all human rights violations in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, according to their respective mandates, and to include their observations in their annual reports to the Human Rights Council;
13.   Decidesto urgently dispatch an independent, international commission of inquiry, to be appointed by the President of the Human Rights Council, to investigate all violations of international humanitarian law and international human rights law in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, particularly in the occupied Gaza Strip, in the context of the military operations conducted since 13 June 2014, whether before, during or after, to establish the facts and circumstances of such violations and of the crimes perpetrated and to identify those responsible, to make recommendations, in particular on accountability measures, all with a view to avoiding and ending impunity and ensuring that those responsible are held accountable, and on ways and means to protect civilians against any further assaults, and to report to the Council at its twenty-eighth session;
14.   Requeststhe cooperation, as appropriate, of other relevant United Nations bodies with the commission of inquiry to carry out its mission, and requests the assistance of the Secretary-General and the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights in this regard, including in the provision of all administrative, technical and logistical assistance required to enable the commission of inquiry and special procedures mandate holders to fulfil their mandates promptly and efficiently;
15.   Requeststhe High Commissioner to report on the implementation of the present resolution, including on measures taken with regard to ensuring accountability for the serious violations of international humanitarian law and human rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, to the Human Rights Council at its twenty-seventh session;
16.   Decidesto remain seized of the matter.
2nd meeting
23 July 2014
[Adopted by a recorded vote of 29 to 1, with 17 abstentions. The voting was as follows:
In favour:
Algeria, Argentina, Brazil, Chile, China, Congo, Costa Rica, Côte d’Ivoire, Cuba, Ethiopia, India, Indonesia, Kazakhstan, Kenya, Kuwait, Maldives, Mexico, Morocco, Namibia, Pakistan, Peru, Philippines, Russian Federation, Saudi Arabia, Sierra Leone, South Africa, United Arab Emirates, Venezuela (Bolivarian Republic of), Viet Nam
Against:
United States of America
Abstaining:
Austria, Benin, Botswana, Burkina Faso, Czech Republic, Estonia, France, Gabon, Germany, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Montenegro, Republic of Korea, Romania, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland]
                            


                        [1]   United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 75, No. 973.
                        [2]   A/HRC/12/48.
                        [3]   United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 75, Nos. 970–973.

From "Elements of Law" to "Introduction to the Law and Legal System of the United States"--Building an Introductory Course to the Legal Curriculum for the 21st Century

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(Pix (c) Larry Catá Backer 2014)

Since 2010, I have been posting on the development  of a new course I have been developing for our first year law school students, "Elements of Law."  The course originally had a quite modest objective--to introduce law students to legal research and reasoning through case law, statutory interpretation, and legal history, processes, and institutions.  I chose to broaden its objectives within these specific parameters and development a framing and concepts course that would provide a deep foundation to law students on the legal system they were undertaking to study. 
Elements of Law 3.0: On the Relevance of a First Year Law Course Designed to Frame the Law School Curriculum).

Developing a New Course--"Elements of Law"

"Elements of Law" Course 2.0: A Framework Course for the U.S. Law Curriculum,

Grounded in the principles of the sociology of law, the course has morphed into an effort to introduce students to law as a self-referencing system with its own particular structures, premises, constraints and language, with its own logic and taboos and its own means of understanding the world.  That systemicity (cf. Peter Checkland, Systems Thinking, Systems Practice, Chichester : John Wiley and Sons Ltd, 1999) is then a critical element in the way in which the legal system (in this case of the United States) interacts with the world, both as a legal and as a socio-economic-political actor.  The course has also expanded from its original narrow and technical focus, to a broader focus on principles and the use of language and logic to build and operate a system of law. That broadening has made it possible to offer the course not just to first year law students, but also to graduate students in the social sciences and in international affairs, as a grounding in the legal systems that are important in their respective fields.

This post produces some of the materials I will be presenting to the class.  I offer these materials in hopes that they may prove of use and that you might share comments, perspectives and suggestions as I develop those materials on this site. Thanks.

This post offers initial thoughts about the materials.


 

            In 2010, the faculty at Penn State Law approved the creation of a new concept course, to be named "Elements of Law". Its description was meant to be general, to provide faculty with some space to develop concepts and ideas for a course on "meta-principles" either of the applied or theoretical kind.

            Elements of Law was meant to orient students to legal research and reasoning through case law, statutory interpretation, and legal history, processes, and institutions. The course description described as an objective to cover topics across many substantive areas of law, and to address legal methodology as it arises in the legal profession. [1]

            One of my great frustrations in  developing this course has been what I consider to its lack of  apparent coherence with the rest more or less conventional parts of the first year curriculum. The course description approved by the faculty is ambiguous at best, and meaningless at worst.  A capacious and relatively empty vessel, "Elements of Law" can permit a faculty member with enough energy and interest fill it with something perhaps new and innovative, or it might provide a space to fill with vapid and duplicative of aspects drawn from the rest of the conventional first year curriculum. Students are likely to sense either, or anything between and react accordingly. Indeed, the great danger of courses like "Elements of Law" is that id they focus solely on the mechanics of statutory construction, judicial reasoning and the like, it will only duplicate the core pedagogical objectives of the other first year courses, but completely detached from the teaching of any substantive area of law.  The course thus sits in the pedagogical ether, mechanics without a grounding in substance, at a time when students clearly require some sort of anchoring of knowledge.  Moreover, as I suggested in prior year self assessments, however this course is conceived, it will have to convince students of its relevance at a time when course allocation time is scarce and market pressures for employment militate against "fluff", at least as students (and potential employers) see it.  That last point requires an unconventional course, such as "Elements," to be able to add value measured both by its contribution to a rigorous standard of substantive quality and a high level of relevance for the integrated program of study leading to a flexible but useful J.D. This is important not merely to satisfy the perceived needs of students and the labor markets on which they are dependent, but also to satisfy one's academic colleagues, who have also developed an acute (if sometimes misdirected) sense, of course value and program coherence.  My fear is that, as presently structured, "Elements of Law" is both too ambiguous to provide students with a sense of its place and value for their studies, and too marginal to suggest a valid reason for the use of precious faculty resources to service in a tightly structured first year curriculum.

            So can one restructure an "Elements of Law" course from this ambiguous mess in a way that remains true to the general sentiment that brought it into existence (a focus on the meta-structures and frameworks of law systems), but that can be rigorously structured to provide value to students consistent with our obligation to train future lawyers operating at the highest levels of the profession (the relevance and quality issues)? That, in effect, has been the problem I posed for myself two years ago when I first was confronted with the task of adding content to the four lines of course description I set out above.  

I chose to approach the issue by structuring "Elements of Law" as a foundation course.The notion was meant to be contextual--foundational in relation to the rest of the first year curriculum, connected to the learning outcomes of those courses but without duplicating those outcomes unnecessary. The first year courses serve parallel purposes.  They provide a substantive foundation in classical American law, while also providing a first cut at teaching lawyer cultural skills.  Thus, for example, civil procedure teaches both the substantive rules of civil trial procedure and the skills necessary to read, interpret and apply regulations within a web of statutes and constitutional principle. Contracts teaches the substantive rules of economic transactions and the skills of common law reasoning (together with the code like structures of the U.C.C.); torts teaches both the substantive law of civil wrongs (and common law reasoning) and the policy contexts in which our society determines its choices for allocating risk and responsibility for actions that produce remediable harm.   Criminal law might be understood as teaching statutory application and construction skills. Property is quite useful for developing an understanding of the structures for managing the power to control and exploit things, principally real estate in the first year.  And so on.  What can an "Elements of Law " course add to these rich first year training offerings?  My sense is that if it is to serve any purpose at all, "Elements of Law" must be structured to provide a means of adding coherence to the first year curriculum and its multiple teaching objectives. That is, the course must serve to cobble the pedagogical objectives of the rest of the first year curriculum so that students will have a foundation for leveraging the learning of each of these first year courses well beyond the learning silos made necessary by the way in which we must structure learning. The course should make it possible for students to understand what holds U.S. law together, its meta-foundations, so that the insights of torts might be applied to property, the insights of analysis of civil procedure applied to  contract and the like.

            The first year law student, then, might get more out of her substantive courses, if she acquires a knowledge of the institutional structures of the law systems of which each of these substantive courses form only a part, and the normative premises that guide the political choices that produce the structures and divisions law law and legitimate particular approaches to making, understanding and applying law. With this as a core premise of the course, it becomes easier to create a coherent structure for Elements of Law.  I start with the problem of law itself.  The first section unpacks the concept of law--common law, equity, statutes, regulation and law beyond law (social norms, and functional law.  Once the concept of law is understood, it becomes easier to place law within the institutional structures in which it is created, and applied--the state and its apparatus, the ordering of law in hierarchies of authority, the relationship between national and international law, and the constraining principle of rule of law.  These are basic concepts and relationships facility with which enriches the study of individual fields of law study.  Once general principles of institutional structures are understood, it is possible to contextualize these insights within the realities of the American Republic--the general government, the administrative branches, inferior political units, and the residuary role of the people as ultimate sovereigns.   From this general study, it is then possible to begin to focus more particularly on the interpretation and application of law, focusing on the role of the courts and their frameworks for statutory and constitutional interpretation.  Students who master these materials are more sophisticated consumers of law, may make better students of their first year courses, and better lawyers because from the first they begin to develop the means to overcome the siloing effect of legal education.  Students begin to develop those muscles within the "Elements of Law" course itself.  The last section of the materials is designed to provide an opportunity to apply the insights learned to a set of specific issues.  I have provided three alternatives.  One focuses on the governance of corporations.Another focuses on strategic constitutional litigation, and the third considers the policy and political effects of statutory construction of socially controversial issues.

            I taught the course for the first time in the Fall 2010 term.  These efforts are in line with those of many other American law schools that seek some sort of bridge course between the undergraduate studies of most of its students and the peculiar norm-world of law.  In many places, these sorts of efforts focus on the lawyer's craft, offering courses in statutory interpretation, legal methods, legislation, legislation, or the like.  In other places the focus is more theoretical,  focusing on theories of law, justice or jurisprudence. 

            Few of these efforts, however, seek to integrate the elements of jurisprudence and interpretation within the larger context of humanities studies.  Law's strong connection to sociology, political science, international relations, philosophy, rhetoric, and logic, for example, are difficult to ignore.  To segregate Law, and the law student, from the richness of humanities, ill-prepares the law student to serve his clients and society.  Thus, without establishing the connection between the humanities and the more pragmatically oriented "craft" aspects of the first year curriculum, students will be unable to understand the that law and the lawyer's role in society is embedded.  The lawyer does not sit apart from the society she serves; neither should she be educated as if this were the case.

            Establishing these connections is critical for the first year law student.  In shaping this course, then, I wanted to blend an admittedly necessary focus on the lawyer's craft and the "language" of the law with a strong humanities focus.  That focus will help the law student grasp the connection between law and world in which the lawyer practices and in which law makes itself felt. The heart of this approach centers on an integrated analysis of a case study--the movement from the legal protection of segregated education to the constitutionalization of racial integration in education.  This requires the students to work through law in its sociological, political, philosophical, jurisprudential, cultural and other elements, all of which were critical components in the movement from segregation to desegregation in public education. Law--as constitution, statute, and cases--is woven into the larger historical, sociological, and political context.  At the same time, the role of philosophy, political theory, rhetoric and discursive tropes are examined both for their contribution to the development of "law" and to their instrumental role in that progress. To that end I produced an initial syllabus.[2]

            I taught it again in 2011. It should come as no surprise that the reception of the course by students was mixed.  For students looking to be trained in a craft, and expecting nothing more than the mechanics courses they believe will produce the required training to get them to the first job, the course was a bit of a shock.  But interestingly, there were a number of students who took to the course.  Some were interested immediately.  Most were drawn into the materials only after several weeks when (as one student told me after the course) they figured out how the class was different and how it fit in with the rest of their curriculum.  Several indicated that the course would have been completely incomprehensible without the guidance of the narrative description of the course provided in the syllabus.  They expressed the wish that the description be expanded.  because there is little outside the course to draw on, a detailed conceptual framework and analysis of structure is essential for the course to make sense.  Equally useful was the list of class objectives.  However, it is noteworthy that even with these aids, there were several students who complained that there was not enough in the materials to make the structure of the course easily accessible.  This, in part, might reflect the common culture of law school course pedagogy, in which the utility of a course directed in the short term to the bar and in the middle term to the first job, is an important way that students weigh the value of a course (and therefore the amount of time that ought to be devoted to its mastery).

            Overall, I found that students first approached the class with a bit of trepidation.  The class was so different.  The exercise of mastering doctrine, interpretation and then understanding it in its social context proved difficult at first.  Many began to appreciate the power of understanding the “why” of a class beyond the usual and narrow doctrinal approaches.  More importantly, they began to understand law instrumentally—not from the position of passive recipients of law but as potentially active agents of the development of law. Most students, to the extent they got this far, began to realize this only after the class was over, especially when they took their second semester course.  That was the most gratifying part of teaching the course--that students found it easier to approach their more traditional classes, and some felt freer to explore the issues raised in those classes in more sophisticated ways.

            I also found that parts of the course could have been refined.  In particular, the first part of the course needed some tightening up.  In particular, I thought that the distinctions between civil law and common law origins and sensibilities needed to be drawn out more carefully.  The connection between these forms of law structuring, and the social, political, economic and cultural contexts of law and state organization was needed to be made more explicit.  I also found it useful to make more explicit the consideration of the relationship between law, the state and its government. For law students in the United States, that connection provides a foundation for considering the most important relationship--between law, the courts, and the legislature.

            I taught the course for a third time in 2013. The reaction was stronger this time and much more divided.  The prospects for the legal job market had changed, tuition had gone up and students were looking for substantial value added for their time in class.  That value added was relatively easy to convey in the traditional courses long taught in the first year curriculum.  But I found I had to sell a “concept” and “methodology” course much harder, and students, polite as ever, were substantially more skeptical of the value added for a course ion “elements” of law.  It was clear that relevance did not come naturally to students, increasingly pressed for time, and much more focused on payout.  Foundations, theory, structural and framework constraints, and legal culture, all critical to an understanding of law, and essential to the development of a sophisticated lawyer, have become increasingly remote.  So I began to think about how to connect theory to the everyday activities of lawyers.  And that thinking ultimately led to the production of these materials.

            I still believe in the utility of a course that seeks to integrate the elements of jurisprudence and interpretation within the larger context of humanities studies.  Law's strong connection to sociology, political science, international relations, philosophy, rhetoric, and logic, for example, are difficult to ignore.  To segregate law, and the law student, from the richness of humanities, ill-prepares the law student to serve his clients and society.  Thus, without establishing the connection between the humanities and the more pragmatically oriented "craft" aspects of the first year curriculum, students will be unable to understand the that law and the lawyer's role in society is embedded.  The lawyer does not sit apart from the society she serves; neither should she be educated as if this were the case.

            There was a side benefit as well.  By focusing the bulk of the class on the case study of the 14th Amendment and the movement from segregation to desegregation of education in the last chapters of the materials, I was able to move race to the center of discussion about a foundational element of U.S. constitutional law that has had tremendous effect beyond the usual horizons of the law student’s horizons.  This was particularly useful as a way to get students who usually avoid such discussion to engage with these issues in ways that helped them see the connection between the jurisprudence, sociology, politics, philosophy and (pseudo) science of race and the structures and discourse of law.  This for me was the most rewarding aspects of the class.

            But the materials are not meant to be limited to the entering law student.  Much of what gives cohesion to law and legal systems, are its cultural, political, and policy roots.  These roots are as much the object of study of the social scientist as it is of the lawyer.  While the lawyer seeks to focus on the technical application of these systemic insights into operational language, patterns of behaviors, discursive tropes and institutional constraints, the social scientist is also interested in the baseline premises themselves, and their effect on the organization, development and functioning of the legal system as system.  The comparativisit and the internationalist are further interested in the operation of a legal system within the context of the community of states and within international legal, economic, and political networks.  I find, especially, that the graduate students in the Penn State School of International Affairs also found these materials interesting and quite useful for their own studies of politics and policies.  And, indeed, the study of the legal structures of states, and the development of governance frameworks beyond states and among global civil society actors, is essential to the training of students of international affairs and public policy, even if they do not seek a law degree.

            There was an additional side benefit from freeing the materials form a narrow technical and professional training orientation, to one that also made the materials accessible to students in the social sciences. By opening the course to non law students, the course provided a rigorous introduction to the language and substance of law that in many cases was sufficient to permit non law students to enroll in certain upper lever law courses. Though they did not have the benefit of the mandatory substantive courses of the first year, they acquire enough of the vocabulary and sense of the structure of law and its practice, that working through very specific substantive areas in fields of interest (for example, international trade, international law, intellectual property, environmental law and the like) becomes possible.

            My goal, then, is to make better sense of the course for law and policy students--that is to make it more relevant to the experience and expectations of students while providing significant and coherent value added to the law school education experience. The course remains a work in progress. In a way, it is also a mirror of the great changes and the extent of the failures of consensus, that are now reflected in the contradictions of the U.S. domestic legal order as it strives to move from what it was to what it might become. It also reflects the way in which the need to teach the fundamentals of American legal theory and law has become an important elements of related studies in international affairs and for comparative law and policy specialists in other countries. Though the course is taught as a semester, it can also be taught in shorter format.  It is with the hope that the approach makes some positive contribution to its objectives,  that I present these materials for your consideration and use.  Your analysis, thoughts, reactions and suggestions would be deeply appreciated as the project evolves. 

            This book would not have been possible without the contribution of many people over a long period of time. My thanks to my students in the Elements of Law classes in 2010, 2011, and 2013, who served a cheerful guinea pigs as I experimented with materials and approaches. More specifically, I would like to thank my administrative assistant, Maggie White; this book would not have emerged from its cocoon without her very considerable efforts.  Great thanks as well to my research assistant Damian Fiala (Penn State Law expected 2017), who rather than fleeing from the materials after he had mastered them in class, returned to help develop them further.   Finally I thank my editors at Carolina Academic Press, whose support and patience has made this volume possible.


[2]Available at Larry Catá Backer, Developing a New Course--"Elements of Law"Law at the End of the Day, August 16, 2010.

NGOs bid farewell to High Commissioner Pillay

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It was the last meeting of UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Navi Pillay, with civil society actors that engage with human rights bodies in Geneva.


Pillay, whose tenure as the highest UN authority on human rights concludes at the end of August, wanted to exchange one last time with the NGO community in Geneva on various human rights issues and country situations, in particular the space reserved for civil society and human rights defenders.

 
"When I was appointed High Commissioner for Human Rights, I was in no doubt that civil society would continue to occupy a special place in my work. As a human rights defender myself, it was obvious to me that the views and advice of civil society would be indispensable," she said. 

 
Pillay highlighted the vital role that NGOs play in raising the attention of her Office on human rights trends and country situations, as well as giving an arena to human rights defenders from across the globe to voice their concerns at the Human Rights Council and other platforms.

 
The High Commissioner also stressed that human rights defenders should be able to express their views at the UN, free from fear of reprisals.

 
"I find it abhorrent - as you do - that defenders coming to Geneva as part of their human rights work should be exposed to intimidation, threats and harassment by their Governments, whether here, or on their return home," she said. 

 
Pillay focused much of her tenure on promoting the rights of women, in keeping with her career as a renowned international jurist and activist for women's rights.

 
She encouraged her interlocutors to continue to draw attention to gender-based violence; women's participation in decision making; and smear campaigns and sexual harassment against women human rights defenders.

 
"Your efforts on their behalf help to break through the isolation that many women experience, whether because of Governments' attempts to silence them, or because of their communities' reactions to their efforts to seek more rights, and more meaningful participation in governance and policy decisions that affect their lives," she said.

 
"OHCHR's thematic priority on 'Widening the Democratic Space' provides a framework for our office as a whole - in HQ and in the field - to provide more support to civil society, and to raise the profile of our work together over the next four years," she added.

 
The Deputy High Commissioner, Flavia Pansieri, echoing Pillay's remark, said that going forward with the Widening the Democratic Space strategy, the UN Human Rights Office will continue to value engagement with human rights defenders to orient the work of the Office.

 
Many of the 80 NGO representatives present at the meeting wanted to pay tribute to Navi Pillay, and also took the opportunity to raise a number of country situations, and a wide range of human rights concerns.
Budi Tjahjono, speaking on behalf of the Human Rights Committee of the Conference of NGOs with Consultative Relationship with the UN/Franciscans International expressed the organizations' gratitude for the High Commissioner's dedication to defend the efforts of civil society actors.

 
"The civil society space and democratic space are not something to be taken for granted, we have to defend it, and you work along with us to protect this space," he said.

 
Renate Bloem, representing the World Alliance for Citizen Participation (CIVICUS), recalled Navi Pillay's achievements with the Durban Review Conference; in strengthening of the human rights treaty body system; and in being "the unwavering advocate for defending the space for civil society and human rights defenders."

 
"You gave human rights a different ranking, a larger importance in the world. You were the voice of the voiceless, of those who could never make it to the centres of power or to the Human Rights Council. But you spoke truth to power without fear and you are now the champion of human rights, our champion," Bloem said. "You were also our reference point and benchmark we could trust for veracity. If you had said something, we could believe it to be true."
15 August 2014

 
 

Chapter 1 (The Context and Roadmap for Study): From "Elements of Law" to "Introduction to the Law and Legal System of the United States"--Building an Introductory Course to the Legal Curriculum for the 21st Century

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(Pix (c) Larry Catá Backer 2014)

Since 2010, I have been posting on the development  of a new course I have been developing for our first year law school students, "Elements of Law."  The course originally had a quite modest objective--to introduce law students to legal research and reasoning through case law, statutory interpretation, and legal history, processes, and institutions.  I chose to broaden its objectives within these specific parameters and development a framing and concepts course that would provide a deep foundation to law students on the legal system they were undertaking to study. 
--Elements of Law 3.0: On the Relevance of a First Year Law Course Designed to Frame the Law School Curriculum).
--Developing a New Course--"Elements of Law"
--"Elements of Law" Course 2.0: A Framework Course for the U.S. Law Curriculum,
Grounded in the principles of the sociology of law, the course has morphed into an effort to introduce students to law as a self-referencing system with its own particular structures, premises, constraints and language, with its own logic and taboos and its own means of understanding the world.  That systemicity (cf. Peter Checkland, Systems Thinking, Systems Practice, Chichester : John Wiley and Sons Ltd, 1999) is then a critical element in the way in which the legal system (in this case of the United States) interacts with the world, both as a legal and as a socio-economic-political actor.  The course has also expanded from its original narrow and technical focus, to a broader focus on principles and the use of language and logic to build and operate a system of law. That broadening has made it possible to offer the course not just to first year law students, but also to graduate students in the social sciences and in international affairs, as a grounding in the legal systems that are important in their respective fields.
This post produces some of the materials I will be presenting to the class.  I offer these materials in hopes that they may prove of use and that you might share comments, perspectives and suggestions as I develop those materials on this site. Thanks.

This post includes a draft of Chapter 1.

Introduction

Chapter 1

The Context and Roadmap for Study





I. Context

            Much like most beginnings, the initial classes of a course introducing the law and legal system of the United States is meant to provide an overview of the course, specific course objectives and frame the context of the discussion that will carry the class through to its end. You are encouraged to read the “Preface” which provides the student with some context. That is done because, as an unconventional course, law students will likely have difficulty figuring out where this course “fits” into what they think is a proper first year law education. Students of the social sciences and international affairs may have a similar difficulty, situating the materials within their vision of a coherent course of study leading them to some pedagogically plausible objective.  My hope is to convince you that this course is both relevant and useful.

            This “Introduction to the Law and Legal Systems of the United States” course is meant to provide a general foundation for your law studies and graduate studies that touch on a critically important and influential law and legal system.  It is meant to provide you with an introduction to the basic issues of this field of study and the basic approaches to a successful understanding of its nature.  It is designed to provide students with the basic analytical and conceptual tools necessary to understand both the more specifically focused courses they will take and to provide the “big picture.”  The materials focus is on U.S. law as system, and through a study of that system, of the context within which national law systems intersect with international law and social norms.  To that end, the student would be exposed to the an understanding of the way "law" is created in the U.S. (common law, statute, administrative regulation), the relationship of these forms of law and the state (constitutional law, hierarchies of law, relationship between domestic and international legal regimes, etc.), an introduction to the ways in which law is interpreted (the role of courts, judicial interpretation of cases and statutes), and an introduction to the context in which law plays a role in policy and international affairs, by placing the US system within the world of comparative law and respective legal families, (this might as well help both the foreign and the US participants orientate themselves a bit better to the connection between law and policy). Short problems and examples would be drawn from the basic first year law curriculum (ie modern common law reasoning through tort or contract, modern statutory law through criminal statutes, administrative law through civil procedure or basic admin law, and domestic "soft law" such as NYSE listing rules and the methodologies for ranking US law schools). The last third of the materials provide an “application focus” from the core substantive legal concepts.

            The materials that follow thus orient students in the approach to a set of core  questions central to law and the legal system of the United States: “what is it that lawyers concern themselves with?”; “How do lawyer’s reason?”; “what are the appropriate sources for information, reasoning, and the rules lawyers are meant to consider, and apply?”;  “what is and how does a lawyer use opinions written by judges to justify a decision on a case, or statutes and regulations written by authoritative governmental bodies?”; “why should a lawyer care about legal history, processes, and institutions?”  All of these questions point to the fundamental question of our field: “How does law work?” 

            It might be useful, as we try to orient ourselves to the materials in this book, to consider a problem that is meant to draw out its themes:

_________


Problem: Apparel Mart[1]

Apparel Mart is a corporation incorporated under the laws of the state of Delaware.  It is publicly owned and its shares are traded on the New York Stock Exchange, with whose Exchange listing rules Apparel Mart must comply. Its principal offices are located in Philadelphia Pennsylvania. Apparel Mart operates about 1,000 retail stores selling children’s clothing under its own “Wow!” brand. Apparel Mart used to directly manufacture the clothing it sold, but over the last several years, it has outsourced this task.  To that end it has entered into contracts for the manufacture of clothing items with a number of corporations, most of which are located in Bangladesh.  Apparel Mart owns no shares in any of these corporations.  All of these manufacturing corporations form part of Apparel Mart’s “supply chain.”[2]However, as a matter of law in the United States and Bangladesh, Apparel Mart and the Bangladeshi companies are each viewed as separate legel entities, each wholly responsible for its own activities.  but they are not, as a legal matter,

As part of its relationship with these manufacturers, Apparel Mart has developed a “Supplier Code of Conduct” which has been incorporated into its contracts with the manufacturers.  Under the terms of these Supplier Code of Conduct, Manufacturers agree to a number of terms that affect the way they operate their businesses—including terms with respect to compliance with local law, labor conditions, worker safety and plant facilities, environmental sustainability, transparency, anti-corruption and community relations. While many of these provisions are consistent with the laws of Bangladesh, several key provisions are drawn from either the law of the United States or norms included in a number of international treaties (only some of which have been ratified or incorporated into the laws of either the United and or Bangladesh). Apparel Mart also has the power to withhold payments for goods received in the event it determines that any manufacturer has breached the Supplier Code of Conduct, and ultimately to terminate the agreement for such breaches. In addition, the Supplier Code of Conduct empowers Apparel Mart to train manufacturer supervisors, to inspect the plants operated by manufacturers for the production of Apparel Mart goods.

Apparel Mart has devoted much time and effort to its corporate social responsibility campaigns, which management believes is important for sales among Apparel Mart’s target demographic. To ensure the effectiveness of this campaign, Apparel Mart has tried to conform its Supplier Code to the provisions of the Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises, a set of principles developed by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, of which the United States is a member. Formally, the Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises are recommendations addressed by governments to multinational enterprises, they are not binding on states (or enterprises like Apparel Mart).  They might, though serve as a basis for the formulation of public policy and national legislation by the OECD member states.  States are required to institute “National Contact Points”, officials specifically charged with promoting the OECD Guidelines and empowered to hear complaints for their violation. Chapter IV of the Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises specifies the human rights obligations of multinational enterprises, including the obligation to “Seek ways to prevent or mitigate adverse human rights impacts that are directly linked to their business operations, products or services by a business relationship, even if they do not contribute to those impacts.”[3] Apparel Mart is proud that it has been ranked 11 in the CSR Global Rankings produced by the prestigious NGO—CSR Rankings.

One of the manufacturers working under this Supplier Code, Shirt Corp., a corporation incorporated under the laws of Bangladesh, operated a factory in Dacca.  Actually, Shirt Corp. rents space in a large industrial park where it has established its facilities. The building has never been inspected for compliance with local fire and safety laws, and there have been complaints that Shirt Corp. has tried to put many more sewing machines in the facility that is safe.  Shirt Corp has rejected these complaints and the building has never been cited by authorities.  While there have been labor protests, Shirt Corp has assured Apparel Mart, during the course of two inspections over the prior 12 months that these were local and personal in nature.  Apparel Mart has put Shirt Corp on notice of possible violation of the supplier Code of Conduct and scheduled a full inspection for later in the year.  This was reported to Apparel Inc.’s shareholders and noticed on Apparel Mart’s CSR website.

Unfortunately one week before the inspection, a fire broke out in the industrial park where Shirt Corp. operated.  The consequences were tragic.  A large number of people were trapped in the building, including the employees of Shirt Corp. and there were many casualties.  Officials determined that the fire was caused by overtaxing the electrical system, and that this resulted from operating far too many machines than the building’s electrical system could tolerate.  Because the building held too many machines and workers, many people were injured because they could not get to exits, some of which were blocked.  There is a dispute, however,  about which of the manufacturers occupying the building, including Shirt Corp. was responsible for the start of the electrical fire.

As a result of these tragic events, a Shirt Corp employee group have filed a lawsuit seeking damages against Shirt Corp and Apparel Mart, in Bangladesh.  Another lawsuit has been file din the federal court for the Eastern district of Pennsylvania. Each alleges negligence on the part of Shirt Corp and Apparel Mart.  The employee group has also filed a complaint with the New York Stock Exchange alleging that Apparel Mart has failed to comply with its listing agreement because it did not appropriately disclose the dangers of the Bangladeshi facilities from which it purchased its apparel. Lastly, the employee Group has filed a complaint with the U.S. National Contact Point alleging a violation of the Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises, seeking an admission of wrongdoing and remedial efforts to ensure that Shirt Corp operate safer facilities. 

Apparel Mart has sent written notice to Shirt Corp terminating its contract and filed an action for declaratory relief in the state courts of Pennsylvania seeking a declaration that Apparel Mart is not liable for any damages resulting from the fire.  It has also, along with other clothing retailers in the United States and Europe entered into an “Accord” which is described as an independent agreement designed to make all garment factories in Bangladesh safer workplaces.[4] The Accord is said to be legally binding on each of the signatories, but does not appear to provide a right of action for violation of the Accord by anyone other than the signatories.  Nonetheless CSR Rankings has notified Apparel Mart that its ranking has been frozen subject to investigation, because Apparel Mart may no longer meet the rankings criteria.  A negative action will likely affect Apparel Mart’s sales and perhaps its share price.

Lastly, the government of Bangladesh has instituted a criminal investigation of the fire and has notified Shirt Corp and Apparel Mart that they are subjects of that investigation.  The government of the United States has also opened an investigation into the relationship between Apparel Mart and Shirt Corp, and a congressional committee has started hearing on the adoption of a new law imposing criminal liability in such cases.

Question: Describe all of the issues that Apparel Mart now faces.  Of these consider (1) which are legal issues that are suggested by these facts, (2) which are non-legal issues that may require the attention of Apparel Mart’s lawyers, and (3) before which tribunals, if any, will these issues be resolved.
__________

            The “Apparel Mart” problem highlights both the complexities of issues facing U.S. lawyers today and the difficulties of distinguishing between “legal” questions, traditionally at the core of a lawyer’s job, and questions of business and politics s that were best left to “clients”. More interesting still, the old traditional simple relationships between law, lawyer, judge, and legislature has morphed into a more dynamic set of relationships with entities and individuals with governance authority that may affect a business and for which a lawyer’s expertise may be necessary. Lastly, the character of law in the United States, a conservative and traditional jurisdiction, has evolved as well. No longer simply compelling rules made by or through a legislative body or a court (statutes, regulations or judicial decisions), law has now also embraced other forms of governance and governance that has the effect of law may now be produced by non state actors. 

            For the lawyer, it suggests that the simple self-enclosed world of law and of legal practice has fractured and been reshaped by the realities of globalized trade and commerce. That reshaping has not only expanded the horizons of a traditional legal practice, but jas also substantially challenged the old and increasingly narrow understanding of law as a command produced at the end of a judicial proceeding or as a product of governmental enactment.  International organizations, of which states are members, now produce governance instruments with no legal effect but with substantial functional force.  Rating agencies now produce rules that may also have real consequences for business operation.  Both formal law and other governance instruments may have set up remedial measures and may require advocacy and practices for resolution that mimic the traditional roles of lawyers. The way in which lawyers must learn to read statutes, judicial opinions, contract provisions and other governance instruments may require distinct perspectives.  The appropriate means of seeking remedies may now provide multiple venues and may require strategic thinking that is quite distinct from the traditional approach of finding the appropriate court willing to hear claims based on applicable law produced by or through states.  However, the practice of law is now substantially altered.  The lawyer’s toolkit must also change to meet the requirements of the times.  The implications for policy and for situating centers of governance have become more complex.  And the emerging structures of multiple governance systems, autonomous of each other, affecting the same transaction simultaneously, has added layers of complexity that changes the character of legal practice.


II.  Roadmap.

            As this century moves farther from the last, the of boundaries and premises that held the legal structures of a state together coherently, its domestic legal order, has increasingly become more permeable, fractured, porous and polycentric.[5]   These materials are designed to introduce the student to the emerging systems that together constitute the system of law and governance in the United States.  It is meant to provide the student with a big picture overview of the domestic legal order of the United States.  More specifically, it is intended to introduce students to the culture, methods and approaches of lawyers in interacting with issues of law and governance—to understand the language of lawyers, and judges—and the premises that define their approach to law, its possibilities and constraints. The student, then, will be helped to see how an individual can “think like a lawyer”, and what that means in the specific contexts of governance in the United States.

            The materials you will be asked to master in “Introduction to the Law and Legal Systems of the United States” will concentrate on four (4) topics that are meant, together, to get to the questions raised: (1) What is Law; (2) Sources of Law, Hierarchies of Law and the Role of Law; (3) Institutional architecture of law and governance: The Organization of the American Federal Union and the U.S. in a Global Context; and (4) An Introduction to Statutory and Constitutional Interpretation:  The Role of the Courts. The last section of materials is meant to take this theoretical framework and apply it systematically to a substantive area of study at the core of a lawyer’s work.  I have developed three alternatives: (1) the law of corporations in domestic and international law; (2) the constitution and racial discrimination; and (3) racial classifications and the policing of elections legitimacy through statutes.  Together these law the conceptual framework within which all governance is undertaken within the United States domestically and in its international role. It also frames U.S. approaches to the governance issues attendant on globalization. These are organized from theory to application.  The purpose is to guide the student from the premises that underlie her legal studies (and ultimately the framework of practice cultures) to the application of those premises in the ordinary course of a lawyer’s work.  Students are rarely induced to consciously make these connections, or to understand how an ability to deploy these premises may substantially enrich the practice of the lawyers’ vocation.

What is Law?  The course starts with a short introduction to the basic issues that form the undercurrent of virtually all every lawyer will undertake throughout their career—the concept of law.  For students seeking to spend the rest of their professional lives engaged in law, or law related endeavors, it pays to sketch out, early on in the preparation for that sort of career, the basic parameters that will define their professional lives.  The first section poses the question—What is law?  The answer is more elusive than a student might first consider.  And the forms that efforts take to try to find an answer can be as important as the answer itself.  The substance and form of law adopted is important, because these prove the borders of the lawyer’s field.  By substance, we will mean its substantive elements and its procedural mechanics. By form, we will mean the institutions through which law can be authoritatively made. These definitions suggest those areas of effort where the work of the lawyer is authoritative and draws a line between that and other fields where the lawyer does not speak with authority. It also suggests what sorts of commands that can compel obedience and the institutions that can serve as the compelling force. In its simplest form these definitions and border-drawing exercises determine extent of the law determines the borders of the sorts of undertakings to which a lawyer will be asked to provide services for clients.  Lawyers (courts and legislators as well for that matter), for example, do not give theological advice and ought not to give authoritative pronouncements on economics or aesthetics.

            It follows, then, that the question “what is law?” is to some extent intimately connected with the question “where was law made?” to understand law, then, one has to understand the institutional context in which it is produced, and the extent to which particular institutions have been accorded power to “make” or “pronounce” law.  That investigation is also far more complex in the United States than a look at the organization of its government might suggest. For our purposes, we consider whether the answer to the question depends on the character of the institution producing “law.”  We will start, then, with a simple identification of the basic cast of characters, institutions and forms that mark the law as distinctive. 

            This section, then, introduces students to the four most common forms of law in the United States and the institutions that produces each.  The first is law articulated by the courts—corresponding roughly to what remains of the common law.  The second is the law articulated by the legislature, what most people have commonly come to understand as “law”.  The third is the law articulated by regulatory agencies, the increasingly important set of “rules” promulgated by agencies on the basis of power delegated to them by the legislature through statutory “law.” Fourth, students will be introduced to the most troublesome aspect of “law”—law beyond law, that is rules articulated by non-governmental  actors.  These are commonly understood as social norms and have traditionally been defined as something other than law.  We will consider the reasons for this distinction from a formal and functional perspective.  We will also look to social norms for a related form of social control, a form used by both state and non-governmental actors—including forms commonly understood as techniques of enforcement with substantive effect, for example, surveillance, monitoring, disclosure, evaluation and governmentality.  Each of these forms of law has its own distinctive character, form, and properties.  Each is produced in different ways and is applied differently by different organs of government.  Lastly, the section introduces remedies—the consequences of the operation of the law against individuals and sometimes the state.

Sources of Law, Hierarchies of Law and the Rule of Law.  We started by examining the concept law by reference to the places where it may be produced, and the way that the place where law is produced affects its character.  In this section we place these different forms of law within a government, that is we introduce the concept of the state to the concept of law and consider the nature of the relationship between them. That is, the student should consider how these distinct forms of law relate to each other within a functioning state.  Just as law is organized as a system in which distinct forms of law have superior or inferior power to affect behavior, so too the effectiveness of law, and the extent of its legitimate application is determined to some extent by the nature, character and power of the institution that produced it.

To that end, this section considers can issue that most lawyers take for granted without stopping long enough to consider—does law (and law making) have a purpose? We will consider two principal schools of thought.  The first assumes that law is an instrument of the state/government with authority to enact it.  At its greatest level of generality, this view posits that law is “positive” and “instrumental.” Under this view, law is the conscious product of the national will directed toward to the attainment of a particular behavior controlling objective.  From that premise, it follows that without government there can be no law. The second assumes that law is autonomous of government.  Law exists whether or not there is a government. In this guise law is understood either as (1) a reflection of the common beliefs and traditions of the people (custom), or (2) the implementation of higher moral norms (natural, religious, rationalist or international customary norms).

            Having considered the distinction between “law” systems and “government” institutions, the section turns toward issues of law system coherence. The object is to get the student to begin to think about what goes into the construction of a coherent system of law managed by a government, focusing not on an individual “law” but on law as a system. Issues of legal hierarchy and the systematization of law are the focus of this section of the course. For that purpose the class will consider hierarchies of law—is it possible to rank order these sources of law to determine which one is more authoritative than others; what is the relationship between constitutions, statutes, treaties, regulations, judicial decisions, other sources of law?  The student will consider how political communities rank laws—from constitution to statute, judicial decision and regulation.  She will also consider how government, principally through its courts in the United States, then develops rules for dealing with conflicts of hierarchy among legal systems when more than one appear to apply to the resolution of a dispute. That discussion serves as the basis for considering the underlying normative framework that produces these vertically arranged systems of law.  The student will understand the theories used to justify hierarchy and explain why, for example, constitutional law is superior, or of a different character, from ordinary law. Likewise the consequences of the creation of these normative theories to support hierarchies are explored.  Lastly, these relationships are most pronounced where an individual seeks to invoke state, national and international law.  This section introduces the student to the issues of legal hierarchy in the context of the state system on which the contemporary global legal and political order is founded. The student will examine the relationship between domestic and international law in relation to the obligation of the state and the obligations of individuals.

The last part of this section then seeks to put all the materials together around the notions, now increasingly important in framing discussion about the legitimacy of law and law systems—rule of law. The notions of rule of law as a set of process values (thin rule of law) and normative values (thick rule of law) are explored.  A comparative approach suggests the malleability of the concept of rule of law but also its importance as a sign of law system legitimacy. The idea of due process and rule of law as a human right is also explored.  The focus on rule of law in the United States will introduce students to due process as a constitutional and rule of law concept. Consideration of Hamdi v. Rumsfeld,  124 S Ct 2633 (2004) will serve to provide context to these notions. 

Institutional Architecture of Law and Governance: The United States and Lawmaking in a Global Context. Having thus examined the nature of the object of our study—law and its systematization—we turn to a consideration of those institutions the United States has created to wield law.  We will briefly review the basics of the organization of the American state.  We engage in this review not for purposes of a civics lesson but to acquire a more sophisticated understanding of the places where law originates and the ways in which societies can divide the power to make, apply and enforce law. We start with the General Government, considering the division of its power into three “bundles”—(a) Executive; (b) Legislative; (c) Judicial.  We then consider the way in which these power divisions are policed by introducing the concepts of separation of powers and checks and balances. 

            By the 21stcentury, though, the traditional division of the American federal government no longer accurately described the functional operation of the general government. To get a clearer picture, it is necessary to examine the role of the administrative architecture of U.S. government.  That requires an introduction to the non-delegation doctrine, the bundle of premises through which the three branch formal organization of the General Government can accommodate, at least functionally, an additional branch, and to manage that relationship without breaching the formal constraints of federal constitutional organization.

            We then briefly consider subsidiary units of government in the United States and its relationship to federal power. First we consider the relationship between the federal and state governments.  This relationship is drawn through the principles of “federalism”.  Those principles, themselves, suggest the elasticity of American law. Second, we consider the residuary power of the people.  The object of study is the extent of the power of popular referenda to “make” law in states and within the federal system.

            Lastly we consider the place of the U.S. government within the community of nations.  We will introduce this area of study not through the usual avenue—the principles of international law—but rather will consider this relationship from out of the sovereign capacity of the United States itself.  To that end the student will be introduced to the nexus of U.S. and international law from the U.S.’s perspective.  The Restatement of the Foreign Relations Law of the United States will serve as our guide.

The Role of the Courts: Juridical Review, Interpretive Techniques, and Legitimacy. With this section the student arrives at the heart of the course materials. The preceding materials have suggested the central role of the judiciary within the U.S. legal and governmental system.  If that is the case, then an understanding of the way in which judges approach their tasks, and the institutional boundaries of that task, are critical elements of the study of the U.S. legal and political system.  On an operational level, and for most students of law in the United States, the study of the practices and approaches of judges is important for another reason. Because we are lawyers, and we will spend a great deal of time defending the rights of our clients before tribunals set up for that purpose, it is critical to consider the role of courts and their relationship to law.  Indeed, the law-courts relationship is at the heart of our common law system, though the power of that direct relationship has been softened in recent years. It follows that a lawyer ought to be intimately acquainted with the role of courts in law and its relationship to the legislative and executive power. 

            The section starts with the idea of judicial review and its limits, that is, the nature of the judicial authority to “say what the law is.”  The focus is on institutional legitimacy and the evolution of principles of governance that have become the foundation of the American Republic.  It also suggests the extent of the uniqueness of the premises that mark the boundaries of judicial power and their role in government and with law. 

            The enhanced relationship between courts and law leads to the critical issue of law--the way in which courts engage with law.  The student will consider judicial engagement with law in two broad respects.  First, the student will consider the ways in which courts may serve as a site for the development or discussion about law.  This is a theoretical consideration of the use of courts not merely as the formal site for the resolution of disputes arising under law, but also of the use of courts as a political, social and cultural institution. Second, and more importantly for lawyers, students will be introduced to theories of judicial interpretation—if courts have broad power to say what the law is, how do they go about that business?  This is important not merely because it helps with case reading; a sensitivity to judicial interpretation is crucial to helping a lawyer anticipate how courts will approach novel issues. 

            Thus, the remainder of this section turns to theories of interpretation.  The initial examination concentrates on statutory interpretation. The specific focus is on two fundamental approaches to interpreting statutes:  textual and intentional.  The first looks to the text on which a dispute is grounded.  The second looks to the intention of the drafters of the stature as a guide to determining how a statute ought to be interpreted. Both seek to provide a basis for creating methods of interpretation that are institutional and not personal. Textual approaches tend to be understood as formalist.  Intentional approaches, or approaches that look to the way the statute functions in relation to the intent of the drafters, are sometimes characterized as functionalist.  Two points will be woven into the discussion:

1. Reliable versus unreliable legislative history.  We cover that as we go through the materials.  But I must admit I take a rather unorthodox position.  I argue that all history is both reliable and unreliable (and discuss Scalia's position in that context), and then explore why this is so with respect to different types of historical artifact.  I then spend more time examining why some forms of legislative history is privileged and other forms marginalized (e.g., Thomas Jefferson versus Sally Hemmings; Federalists versus Anti-Federalists; Congressional materials versus newspaper interviews, etc.).  We will discuss tools but also the class, gender, and historical bases for choosing some forms of information as authoritative and others as not, and their importance to the practicing lawyer.

2.  Normative canons.  Normative canons are useful interpretive devices.  We touch on them, but as interpretive instruments rather than as something "true of itself." Discussion is included in this "toolbox" section of the materials.  But students will not be asked to dwell on them except as important devices for "speaking" to judges in the particular language that may move them to a particular way of engaging with a case.  What is emphasized is the tradition and the power of patterned thinking that are represented by these canons.

Statutory interpretation provides a gateway to a critical issue:  to what extent are the court’s interpretation authoritative? If interpretation is based on a focus on text and intent, and if courts have a significant voice in providing definitive interpretation of those statutes, then what is the obligation of courts to follow the interpretations made by courts in other decisions.  That issue, the role of stare decisis in interpretation, takes three forms.  The first involves the obligations of lower courts to apply the holding of superior courts within a single judicial system.  Must the federal district courts follow the decisions of federal courts of appeal; must they follow only those decisions of federal appellate courts in the appellate district to which they belong?  The second involves the obligation of courts in one judicial system to apply the holdings of courts in other systems. Must the federal courts follow the decisions of state courts; must state courts follow decisions of federal courts; do either federal or state courts have an obligation to apply the interpretation of international tribunals?   The third involves the obligations of courts to follow their own prior interpretations.  Must the Supreme Court apply its own holdings to cases it considers; may a court hear a case “fresh” without the obligation do apply the rules it has announced in prior cases; does the answer depend on whether the issue to be decided is a matter of statutory, case law or constitutional interpretation?  

            The materials then consider whether there is something different or additional about constitutional interpretation.  If statutes are the product of the legislature, a co-equal branch of government, and the constitution is an expression of popular sovereignty, then should the courts approach constitutional interpretation the same way they approach statutory interpretation, or even the interpretation of prior precedent? While formalist and functionalist frameworks dominate constitutional interpretation, additional issues, related to the character of the Constitution as a foundational instrument, are also important.  This will require students to work through law in its sociological, political, philosophical, jurisprudential, cultural and other elements, all of which were critical components in the movement from segregation to desegregation in public education. Law--as constitution, statute, and cases--is woven into the larger historical, sociological, and political context.  The role of philosophy, political theory, rhetoric and discursive tropes are explored examined both for their contribution to the development of "law" and to their instrumental role in that progress.

            Students will be introduced to originalist and evolutive theories of constitutional interpretation.  These supplement the formalist (textual) and functional (intentional) methods of statutory interpretation.  The contrasts between the two approaches has significant effects on the way ion which people understand the nature of the Constitution as well as the appropriate way to “read” it.  Students will spend time considering the conflict between these approaches.  In that respect, “living constitution” approaches (for example the common or customary law approach of David Strauss) is juxtaposed to immutable meaning approaches (for example Justice Scalia and his civilian approach to constitutionalism).  Both approaches are used to suggest the plausibility of structural approaches to constitutionalism.  The point is to drive home the materials form the first section--that tradition matters--a common law sensibility may color one's approach to constitutionalism in ways that are different from a civil law (or legislative supremacy) approach.  The point emphasized is that approaches like that of Justice Scalia's conservatism may actually be radical from a historical perspective; unless one accepts the premise that the adoption of the Constitution represents a break with the Common Law traditions of the U.K.  The living constitution advocates might actually come closest to a conservative approach to the constitution within the context of our original common law political society.  But the living constitution approach may also overstate the importance of the constitution as framing all issues of right in political society. But in the end, consistent majorities construct the legal reality that is then taught as gospel to the next generation of lawyers, political people, and the masses. . . . or there is crisis. The resolution of these issues, still highly contested, is left for the student.

An Introduction to Constitutional Interpretation. This section of materials considers theories of constitutional interpretation in action.  For that purpose students will consider constitutional interpretation through the development of the constitutional law of racial discrimination and the application of the 14thAmendment.  This section has two principal purposes, first to apply the theoretical materials of the prior sections and second to introduce students to the development of an important substantive area of law.

            This section starts with a consideration of the 14th Amendment—from idea to law—by briefly considering historical materials.  We then look at the construction of the initial interpretation of the 14th Amendment in matters of race, and the move toward the constitutionalization of race discrimination through the development of the doctrine of “separate but equal.”  We then consider the way in which “separate but equal was reconstructed over half a century and the abandonment of the “separate but equal doctrine” in school desegregation cases.  We then chart the course of reform from desegregation to integration as a constitutional policy and consider the limits of judicial power to force the issue.  What makes this study particularly interesting is that this century long process of interpretation, marked by substantial shifts in constitutional meaning, was accomplished without changing a word of the 14th Amendment. 


__________

Overall Objectives of the Materials.  You will be introduced to a wide variety of materials throughout this course. The purpose of the materials is to expose the student to a number of important concepts that form part of virtually all law study.  In addition, the student will be expected to begin to master methods of approaching law and legal studies that ought to prove useful in their careers.  More specifically, by the end of the semester the student will be expected to have a working knowledge of the following:   

(1) The differences between customary or common law, statutory or positive law, social norms, and emerging forms of governance; the sources of each; and the political theories underlying each;

(2) A working knowledge of basic sources of law (constitutions, statutes, treaties, etc.), hierarchies of law (the relationship between constitution, statutes, caselaw, treaties, etc.), and the role of law) and the role of law (as a function of state action or as an autonomous set of norms);

(3) A general knowledge of the legal basis for the organization of the American Federal Union and the U.S. in a global context; there will be a substantive component—the student will be expected to master the Non-delegation doctrine;

(4) A substantial knowledge of the role of the Courts in the American system—the extent of the judicial authority to say what the law is (that is the doctrine of judicial review) in its legal and policy contexts;

(5) A working knowledge of how courts engage with the law—theories of judicial interpretation of statutory and constitutional law, and the similarities and differences between them;

(6) A working knowledge of the three aspects of stare decisis and its legal and policy implications; 

(7) A substantial knowledge of the substantive law of the 14th Amendment as it evolved from the 19thcentury and applied to racial segregation of public schools, including the constitutional limits of the remedial power of courts; and

(8) Working knowledge of issues of statutory interpretationin its legal, political, and methodological aspects.

III.  Additional Readings


[1] This problem is loosely based on the tragedy of the Rana Plaza fire, which on April 24, 2013, killed over 1,100 people inside a commercial building and garment Factory in Dhaka, Bangladesh. Roel Nieuwenkamp, Chair, OECD Working Party on Responsible Business Conduct, described one consequence in the aftermath of the tragedy in “Corporate leaders: Your supply chain is your responsibility,” OECD Observer No. 299 (Q2 2014).  Available http://www.oecdobserver.org/news/fullstory.php/aid/4366/Corporate_leaders:_Your_supply_chain_is_your_responsibility.html.
[2] The Council of Supply Chain Management Professionals has drawn attention to some useful definitions.  Supply Chain Management Terms and Glossary (Definitions compiled by Kate Vitasek, http://www.scvisions.com)   (Updated August 2013).  Available http://cscmp.org/sites/default/files/user_uploads/resources/downloads/glossary-2013.pdf. Supply Chain management is defined as: "Supply Chain Management encompasses the planning and management of all activities involved in sourcing and procurement, conversion, and all logistics management activities. Importantly, it also includes coordination and collaboration with channel partners, which can be suppliers, intermediaries, third-party service providers, and customers. In essence, supply chain management integrates supply and demand management within and across companies.”  Id., 187.  A supply chain is defined as “1) starting with unprocessed raw materials and ending with the final customer using the finished goods, the supply chain links many companies together. 2) the material and informational interchanges in the logistical process stretching from acquisition of raw materials to delivery of finished products to the end user. All vendors, service providers and customers are links in the supply chain.”.  Id., 186.
[3] OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises (2011), Chp. IV.3.  Available  http://www.oecd.org/daf/inv/mne/48004323.pdf.
[4] A real life example of such an accord may be accessed here: http://www.bangladeshaccord.org/).
[5] I discuss this in more detail in Larry Catá Backer, The Structural Characteristics of Global Law for the 21st Century: Fracture, Fluidity, Permeability, and Polycentricity, 17(2) Tilburg Law Review 177-199 (2012).
 

From the Office of the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights: On-line resources for civil society actors

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The Civil Society Section of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights has recently distributed on-line resources for civil society actors. These resources, which the Civil Society Section has chosen from the many available, are produced by a wide variety of actors.  All relate to:

--ORGANISATIONAL CAPACITY BUILDING
--PROTECTING SPACE
--JOURNALISM AND HUMAN RIGHTS

Some of these might be useful and the notice (with links) is reproduced below.If you have additional sources worth adding to the list, please let me know.

Civil Society Section
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights

Sharing resources - Civil Society capacity-building


Please find below some links, which you may find useful, related to:
--ORGANISATIONAL CAPACITY BUILDING
--PROTECTING SPACE
--JOURNALISM AND HUMAN RIGHTS


ORGANISATIONAL CAPACITY BUILDING



> Overseas Development Institute - Policy Engagement, How Civil Society Can be More Effective - http://www.odi.org.uk/resources/download/160.pdf 


PROTECTING SPACE

> Standards of freedom of association - Report of SR on human rights defenders (2009) - http://goo.gl/FKA5Iw 

> Role of Legal Reform in Supporting Civil Society - http://goo.gl/rIyRCz 

> Human Rights Defenders: Protecting the Right to Defend Human Rights - http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Publications/FactSheet29en.pdf 


> UN Human Rights Committee General Comment on Freedom of Expression: https://docs.google.com/file/d/0B1LiLA_yILnmSkdQZlVDMUN6STA/edit?pli=1 

JOURNALISM AND HUMAN RIGHTS

1. Journalism, issues, skills

- To tell you the truth: the ethical journalism initiative - http://ethicaljournalisminitiative.org/pdfs/EJI_book_en.pdf 

- Dig Deep and Aim High: A training model for teaching initiative reporting -


- Reporting for change: a handbook for local journalists in crisis areas - http://iw3.iwpr.net/sites/default/files/iwpr_training_manual_english.pdf 


- Making news personal: covering human rights, education, health and other social issues - http://www.icfj.org/sites/default/files/Social_Issues.pdf 

- Journalism, media and the challenge of human rights reporting - http://www.ichrp.org/files/reports/14/106_report_en.pdf 

- On the road to peace: Reporting Conflict and Ethnic Diversity - http://asiapacific.ifj.org/assets/docs/056/247/4446738-52feef7.pdf 

- Media for Democracy in Afghanistan: A handbook for journalists - http://asiapacific.ifj.org/assets/docs/243/031/ca7a3f3-df2e41f.pdf 

2. Human Rights


- Media and Human Rights Education (ppt, Philippines) - http://www.slideshare.net/noblefranca/media-human-rights-education 

- Human Rights Handbook For Journalists in Timor-Leste - http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0022/002202/220249E.pdf 

- The Human rights-based approach to journalism: training manual, Viet Nam - http://apfeiu.unescoapceiu.org/pdf/rud_12.pdf 

- Freedom of Expression, Access to Information and Empowerment of People - http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0018/001803/180312e.pdf 

- Access to information...journalists come first - http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0016/001624/162430e.pdf#162569 

- Freedom of expression: a right to be taught - http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0016/001624/162430e.pdf#162568 

- Media as partners in education for sustainable development: a training and resource kit - http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0015/001587/158787e.pdf 

- Freedom of expression: a guide to the implementation of Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights - http://www.coe.int/t/dghl/cooperation/capacitybuilding/publi/materials/947.pdf 

3. Gender equality, children and media

- A Handbook on Gender Equality Best Practices in European Journalists' Unions - http://www.ifj.org/assets/docs/021/253/bae4f15-24b01fd.pdf 


- Telling Their Stories : Child Exploitation and the media : Guidelines for Journalists and Media Professionals - http://asiapacific.ifj.org/assets/docs/055/135/a0c5e37-d756887.pdf 


4. Precautions

- On assignment: a guide to reporting in dangerous situations - http://www.cpj.org/Briefings/2003/safety/journo_safe_guide.pdf 

- Practical guide for journalists - http://www.rsf.org/IMG/pdf/guide_gb.pdf 

Advancing the Rule of Law With Chinese Characteristics: A Conversation About Constitutionalism, Shangfang, and the Ideological Work of the Chinese Communist Party

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(Pix (c) Larry Catá Backer 2014)

 The Chinese Communist Party has recently accelerated its political work--moving deliberately to develop its operating theory to enhance its role as a vanguard party in China. 
 The Communist Party of China (CPC) will hold the fourth plenary session of the 18th central committee in October, to discuss key issues concerning the rule of law, it was announced on Tuesday.

The Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee will discuss "governing the country according to law" on every front, it was announced after the Tuesday meeting, presided over by the CPC Central Committee's general secretary, Xi Jinping.

It was agreed that the rule of law is a must if the country will attain economic growth, clean government, culture prosperity, social justice and sound environment, and realize the strategic objective of peaceful development.

A statement after the meeting said that the rule of law is an intrinsic requirement of socialism with Chinese characteristics and crucial to modern governance. Governing according to law holds the key to the CPC's leadership, the people's well-being, deepening reform and long-term stability. The statement emphasized, that governing according to law has become more significant in the entire agenda of the Party and the nation, due to new circumstances. (Embassy of the People's Republic of China in Camnada, CPC to hold key session on rule of law, July 30, 2014)
This post includes the transcript of a conversation with Keren Wang, a PhD candidate at Penn State (Communication Arts and Sciences, School of Liberal Arts) and my co-author, about the recent strong movement at the highest levels of the Chinese Communist Party toward the institutionalization of rule of law systems with Chinese characteristics, including the petitioning system or shanfang.  It is meant to provide a more conversational introduction to issues of rule of law, of the institutionalization of the relationship between the people and the administrative organs of state and of the role of a vanguard party.


Larry Backer and Keren Wang -- Discussion on the Rule of Law in China, August 8th, 2014 at Katz Building


Keren Wang (Keren): … so when we think about the protection of rights in the context of Chinese rule of law framework, the term “right” is understood by the Chinese more as a social contract rather than an inherent natural right. For instance, the citizen’s right to engage in religious activities would be protected as long as those activities do not disrupt public order and impair social harmony. In other words, the protection of rights in this sense is understood as the government’s responsibility to balancing the citizens’ need to ‘freely practice religions’ with need to be ‘free from religious practices’. This is where the connotations of rights are different between the Western and the Chinese rule of law. Whereas in the U.S., we treat our ‘rights’ as being ‘inherent’-- something that’s given by God and/or by nature; but in China, legal rights are understood under quite different lights….



Larry Cata Backer (LCB): Right. And you’ve seen this in some of my recent writings, right? The idea that when you look at rights--this is the Hu Angang piece--When you’re looking at rights in the West, you’re looking at it from the notion that these are conditions or expectations that are centered in the individual, and that they are meant to protect the individual and his social relations especially as against, and to constrain the aggregation of individuals and when they form everything from government to corporations to all of that, which is why CSR sounds a whole lot like public law, and why public constitutional law always looks like we are here to protect the individual and the government is a “servant” and has to be constrained in what it does and it’s got a very particular set, a bill of particulars, effectively, to do what they do. But the Chinese don’t do it that way. For them, the word, ‘the right’ is really more understood as the obligation of those people charged, and this, again, is the Confucian family notion. Those people who buy natural processes with a natural order of things are burdened with the protection and promotion of the community, and that those obligations require them to set up an apparatus. The principle purpose of which is to ensure that those people that are within their charge can benefit, can harvest the fruits of all these things, right? And therefore, in the West, the tendency has always been to look at government with a sort of suspicion. In China, the opposite has to be true-- that the expectation is not no government, but that indeed has to be more and better government, and then when things go wrong it’s the state’s fault, not because they have too much power, but because they don’t have enough or they’re not exercising it correctly.



Keren: Which means that, in China’s case, when the government can no longer satisfy the needs of the people, they would also lose their mandate of heaven to rule, right?



LCB: Think about the stories. How many stories in Asia, and I‘ve run across hundreds of them, how many stories are about the poor peasant or the middle level bureaucrat who undergoes a series of hardships to get to the emperor to let them know about an evil official, a corrupt official, the imperial hand then goes and corrects it, puts in a right official, and that produces happiness and prosperity in the community. That’s the normative base. So when you think about rights you think about it in that context. Everybody understands that the point of this is in fact the obligation of the state to provide these benefits to the individual. That’s your burden. You must do this. Not that it’s inherent in the people: it is their due, but it is their due that produces the primary obligation in the state, so that there’s more state in the state, there’s more state in the East, and less state in the West.



Keren: And when it comes to the practice of shangfang--



LCB: Yes, and that’s why shangfang makes tremendous sense in China, and is relatively incomprehensible in the West. Because you start from very different places, but ultimately you get to the same place, you get happy people whose needs are being protected in particular ways but you get it from very different perspectives.



Keren: So again, we’re going back to the government’s responsibility to fulfill and protect people’s needs.



LCB: It’s the way society understands them. However much we think in the west of our rights as individual rights, they really aren’t. They are that aggregation of individual discretion and freedom which the collective has decided ought to vest in the individual. So I can, as an individual in the West, say, “ I have an inherent right to live on East 59th St. in a 5,000 square foot penthouse. ” Ludicrous! Or, “I have an inherent right to enslave Asians.” So what are the rights? The rights are really communally derived, but they’re vested in the individual, they reside in the individual, and that sets up the relation between the individual and the state.



Keren: Well, when we say ‘communally derived individual rights’, individuals are understood as being products of society...



Backer: Right. In our sense what that does is that we then devolve this down to the individual, and that, even though it sounds small, has an extraordinarily profound effect on the way in which the West then consequentially is constrained in the way in which it can organize governments that they view as legitimate. But, for this, we could have all different kinds of government but because of -- and it’s amazing that people don’t see this, it’s so plain -- because we’ve chosen to, this is our whole way of looking at things, our whole foundation, that all of these things are in the individual, the way in which we organize the government necessarily must follow. Everything form the possibility of an aristocratic government hierarchically ordered, republican government hierarchically ordered, the notion of rights going back to the feudal period. All of these things are still with us. So you have the funny situation, the Catalonians now are demanding their freedom back. It works not only on the individual level, but it works at the middle level of aggregations. So the Catalans are asking for their freedom back -- why? Because they are looking to defend their rights, their collective rights as against a superior sovereign. That notion of the protection of rights in part serves as the functional equivalent of the obligation of the state in the East. You can’t work against it in the West, just like in the East you must fulfill your obligations to the people or you become evil, corrupt, and therefore illegitimate, or, in the West, you have exceeded your authority and therefore illegitimate, and as the Declaration of Independence will tell us, at the point you can break bonds. Or, in the East, the Mandate of Heaven is withdrawn, and because you are illegitimate and things proceed. You get sort of to the same place, but you don’t get there the same way.



Keren: Exactly. And it seems that right now there’s a general consensus in China -- at least among their top leadership --- that the institution and the legal framework has to be reflective of the changing social needs, or social productive forces. During the Deng Xiaoping era, they (the Chinese leadership) had much more uniform consensus on what the most urgent social needs were. That is, have the people well-fed, clothed, and live at a relatively comfortable standard. And given these basic material needs, they Chinese government had to prioritize industrialization and economic development over legal or rule-of-law reforms. But as the overall standard-of-living in China improved drastically over the past 40 years or so, perhaps their basic material needs have been mostly fulfilled, and new social needs have arisen, and new demands of rights and protections have emerged.



LCB: Welcome to the First World where we’re having constant existential crises. In the U.S., people become neurotic, and they spend a lot of money on psychologists. In China, they’ll have to deal with this or the people are going to become unruly. Then, the question is, what does that mean for fulfillment? And actually, you can go back in this case. It is too bad that the term is unfortunate. There’s a key already there. The Chinese would only think about it, and that’s in the Three Represents, unleashing cultural and intellectual forces. In Deng’s time, you’re worried about feeding, housing, clothing, and transportation. Now you don’t have to worry about that--at least, not in well-developed Eastern and coastal China. You’re still worrying about that in West and Central China and Manchuria. We’ll put that aside. We’re worried about our elites from Beijing down to Hong Kong. What do you do with them? They’re now all pampered, rich, and they don’t know what to do with their money. You can only buy so many cars and houses before you get bored. The Three Represents tell you exactly what the party has to do. Jiang Zemin saw it, even if he didn’t know he was seeing it. That is, you now have to unleash the intellectual and cultural power of the people in a way that is constant with the ultimate goal of unleashing your productive forces, not the brutish ones of industrialization, but now the important ones of cultural and intellectual capacity to build the state to the extent that everyone is so, so well off that you’ll actually reach socialist modernization and the communist ideal can be met. That’s the problem, because everyone is still worrying about, “Oh, we have to give everyone a job.” It’s this part that is now more difficult. They know what they have to do. They’ve got the ideological framework to do it, and now the question is, how do you want to operationalize it? In what way can you safely do it? What scares them to death (and what really should, which is why I’ve been an advocate of the Party’s work), this is the part where the Party has to “man up.” This is why they’re the vanguard party. You can’t be the vanguard party and think it’s easy. Life is hard, and that’s why you’re the vanguard party. Now you’ve got to think about how you can manage that, so that it provides, contributes to, that central notion of rights understood as obligations. All of those things -- the unleashing of cultural power, the unleashing of intellectual power -- ought to be focused on the improvement of all of the people, so that as a whole you contributed to the welfare and the wealth of the country, not merely because now you’re eating better, but now because you’re thinking and living better. And that’s where the party needs to hold all of this together in a disciplined way. They have to be at the forefront and provide the structure. That requires two things: One is the ability to handle people’s complaints against bad officials. At some point, the people who reach this level are going to be very jealous of the protection of what they view of the obligations of the state. If you don’t find a way to allow those people to complain about bad officials, you’re going to be doomed. What the Chinese still haven’t done is to separate, which is our project, to insure that that can be done, focusing solely on the state apparatus and then leaving the politics and the political apparatus of policy analysis off into the party, if you’re really exercised about that you can join the party, but otherwise we’ll give you a mechanism, if you’ve got the corrupt official, we’re here to help you. The second is to provide social goals that you can target, cultural and intellectual activities -- not that you’re controlling it at a micro level, but that you’re suggesting, ‘this is what we need, this is how we grow.’ Arts, or whatever, in a way that is commensurate with their social development...



Keren: Which means that the government need to focus not only on meeting economic development goals, but also on social and cultural goals.



LCB: Yes. Then, this is the hardest part for the vanguard party: the time for laziness is over. The hardest thing for the party now, if they really are going to survive the 21st century and be a vanguard force, and you saw a hint of this in the Cuba paper, I had to slap the Cubans, it was very true. They’re going to have to become a much, much more proactive vanguard party if they’re going to hold all the political strings. They have higher and much more burdensome obligations. They are going to have to make sure that their cadres and organization is up to the task, which means that they are really going to have to embrace the development all the way down to bottom level cadres. They’re going to have to develop them to their full potential intellectually and culturally. That’s an intraparty obligation that they have been fairly sloppy, I understand why, there’s a million excuses for their sloppiness, but the time for that is over. If they don’t do this, they will be irrelevant in 20 years. If they do this, they can set up a system that frankly, outside of Europe, will be extraordinarily influential, because it meets the cultural requirements of a whole lot of places for which Western style democracy just doesn’t seem to take hold. They won’t mean to be influential, but if they’re successful, they can be. But they’ve got to do it right, and that requires some effort. The principle thought about that is to stop being embarrassed about being a vanguard party. It’s almost like people are embarrassed. They push “not-Maoist” style, but the less you are proud of and affirmatively embrace your system, the more people begin to think that there’s something wrong with it. That doesn’t mean that you are mindless about it, but it does mean that you’re relatively proud. The thing about Americans is that we’re proud of our republic. We complain about everything, but at the bottom, we’re all taught to be very proud of this system that we have that if we can get it to work right, it will lead us to our own version of utopian constitutional society. The Chinese have not done that, and part of the reason I can understand -- because Mao’s Cultural Revolution did such a hideous job of bringing that kind of party work into disrepute that everyone is very leery. You know what’s going to happen the minute you start doing this. The South China Post is going to come out, “New Generation of Maoists: Are We Going to Be Singing Hail Mao Songs on the Street Again?” That would be just crazy! It’s not that kind of thing. That’s the point of the intellectual and cultural thing. It’s much more sophisticated, and much more basic. Simple and non-threatening: not, “I’m going to order you around,” but, “This is our system, look what we’ve been able to do.” This is how it works. If you can’t get the average Chinese guy more or less to tell you how things work, then you’ve got a problem.



Keren: And even the villagers, the way they understand their relationship with the government and authority has transformed dramatically over the last few decades. That’s part of the reason why we are seeing the rise of shangfang. Many of these shangfang petition cases -- if not the vast majority of them -- involve either some disgruntled folk not being happy with the court’s ruling, or a property dispute with the local government. For example the local government wants to build a road, and the villagers are not happy with the compensation or don’t want to give up their farmland. Backer when China was a much poorer country, you hardly hear any eminent domain complaints -- they’d just take whatever the government offers. Not necessarily because of government coercion, but more due to the fact that those villagers didn’t own much to begin with. Everyone was so poor, and everyone could easily benefit from that massive infrastructure development projects. When development policies improve the living conditions of everyone -- even if some would benefit far more than others -- it’s pretty easy to govern and maintain social harmony without paying much attention to the rule of law. In fact a ‘highly developed’ Western rule of law system may even hinder the economic growth of an under-developed country like China right after Mao. But as Chinese society-- both urban and rural areas-- gets wealthier and wealthier, the average citizens have more and more to lose from government misconducts, and the Chinese government can no longer afford to ignore institution building any more.



LCB: But this is great step towards a stable state. With a vanguard party, this is marvelous. The party shouldn’t be afraid of this. They should embrace it and own it, because it’s a natural progression, and if the party can situate itself to be the heroes here. They insure that the officials up and down listen appropriately. Sometimes that means you don’t win. Sometimes it means that lower-level officials are disciplined. You’re going to have a lot more buy-in. And if you can’t teach your own cadres to explain the system, and then teach your students about this, civics education, honest, here it is and unashamed, you’re fucked. You’re done. You’re screwed. The Chinese aren’t doing it, and I don’t blame them. They’re not unique. The Americans have stopped doing it over the last 25 years, to our discredit.



Keren: Their civic education talks a lot about the political, but not about rule of law. Actually, there’s no civic education. From middle school, it’s just called “Politics.”



LCB: If you don’t do mass education and socialization, then the whole thing about harmonious society is wasted. You really need to do it. And not in a stupid, mindless, propaganda way-- but given the rise in the level and capacity of the population, in a way that is suitable to the abilities of your population.



Keren: Specifically then, with regard to the rule of law, after the social progress from the basic need for economic development to the needs of social justice, cultural fulfillment and political participation, obviously that calls for a more updated approach to rule of law. Now, when people are well-fed and clothed and even have a little bit extra to keep for themselves…



LCB ...They need to be able to engage with their administrative apparatus! If they are now so well educated and so involved that they want to be involved in politics, they can also do that too: join the party. And the party then has to continue to do its work in intra-party democracy and et cetera.



Keren: So everyone can participate and engage in the administrative domain, but you still need to join the party if you want to become a politician...



LCB: Yes. And if the party has to be very clear about that separation, then they come in and become the heroes. It’s true that a lot of the members of administration are party members as well, but that’s perfect too, because the double threat of shuanggui and corruption or discipline for failure to do their administrative work ought to help discipline officials who have a heavy burden, and it’s a burden that should not be made lighter, merely because they are now in an exalted position. And indeed, the reverse is true. The higher you are, the heavier you should be feeling about the burden of the responsibility you have. And you ought to act appropriately.



Keren: So basically allow more formalized channels for the people to respond to and petition against administrative actions like land seizure



LCB: Right. And the process will be protected by the party. If the party administers this, and if it’s viewed to be administered fairly, the party wins, because they become the protectors.



Keren: ...because they protect the people from abusive administrative actions.



LCB: Also, in a way, that gives people a buy-in into the party because if then they help the party here by denouncing corrupt or unethical officials, then the party here can do a better job of making sure its cadres are sufficiently disciplined both as cadres and in their roles in the administration.



Keren: So instead of focusing on directly administering economic development, where the party basically sets a hard target for economic growth, and directs the local governments to build a dam, to pave a highway and so on, the party should play a different role where it focuses on the protection of the people and the enforcement of the rule of law. Rather than letting the local governments do just basically anything it takes to bring the GDP up to the target, the party ought to balance the relationship between the people and local governments, and to protect people from abusive administrative actions.



LCB: You’re still doing the same thing. The analysis becomes more sophisticated, that’s all. There are more factors that have to be weighed and balanced. You’re upfront about it, you’re upfront about the balancing, and the more you do that, even if people disagree with your balancing, as long as you appear to be fair and open, you’re fine.



Keren: I remember, back in the old days, even when I was a little kid in the early 1990s, when local governments would demolish large parts of the cities people loved it, because that meant new roads and new homes. They don’t want to live in shanty town sheds -- they didn’t have much to worry about.



LCB: But notice what happens. Yes, we get rid of it, but the state will protect me. It’s that second part that becomes critical. So you’re going to build a dam, and you have to get rid of a village? OK, you say, we need to do make this progress, but we hear you, but you’re going to wind up much better than you were. We’re not going to destroy anything. if you’ve got ancestral sites, we’ll help you move them. A little more expensive, but you’re richer now. So you can do this.



Keren. Right, and back in the day, when the local governments engaged in this kinds of brusque administrative activities, they didn’t get a lot of complaints from the people, primarily because the entire society--in varying degrees--benefitted from the government’s actions. The folks on the ground were still traumatized by the harsh material conditions during the Mao era, and they were very forgiving of the government behaviors as long as their living condition keeps improving. But now--and you see this especially in major Chinese cities -- that they’re pretty well-developed, and the people start to have other things to worry about in addition to their basic material well-being. When the city wants to do something big, say demolishing old city blocs, even if it benefits the majority of its residents, there will be conflict of interests involved. Administrative actions can no longer easily benefit everyone, since the society is no longer dirt-poor and everyone has something to lose, and it becomes harder to use old logic to govern.



LCB: Welcome to the world of the West! You’re going to wind up having to compensate. But that’s fine. You can do that in a lot of ways, and you can be very flexible. What people don’t want to hear, and this is, even there people will grouse, but they’ll buy into it -- where they don’t want to buy in, is when you want to build a new freeway extension in Shanghai, and then it turns out that you dispossess the old lady, right, and you pay her 10 Yuan, but then when you sell it to the state, you sell it for 100. It’s that kind of corruption. It’s the corruption and then the appearance of a benefit, personal benefit to the official who’s got the burden. And that’s really the problem. The problem in the West is that it becomes impossible to do anything because the government is so constrained. The problem in the East is that once you have that administrative burden, if you appear at all to be personally profiting from the exercise of your obligations, then all bets are off. That’s the part that becomes difficult.



Keren: Basically, the key, then, to developing rule of law in China is to institutionalize the shangfang practice. The shangfang mechanism in itself can be seen as a manifestation of the socialist principle in the sense that when new social needs emerge from changing material conditions, even if the government doesn’t formally establish any new institutions, informal structures like shangfang will inevitably form to accommodate these new needs. The widespread of shangfang means that it already became a quasi-formal structure waiting for official anointment.



LCB: And it is not only socialist rule of law, it is deeply embedded in Chinese Marxism. Recall Deng Xiaoping’s notion that the party that fails to listen to the people both loses its perspective and is not practicing socialism appropriately. To listen doesn’t mean that you will bend to whatever you hear, but you’ve got to hear the people out. The minute the party becomes afraid of the people, it’s over.



Keren: So how exactly should China institutionalize this shangfang practice, then?



LCB: That’s the trick.



Keren: It brings to mind the popular news stories of the village folks, they ride a bus together to the capital, and complain to the central government because it is still presupposed that the central government is legitimate, and that it will protect them from the misconducts of local governments. And because the central government knows that assumption too, they have to listen and handle the petition once it gets to their doorstep.



LCB: But there are a lot of ways of doing it. If everyone knows you’ve got to go to the capital when you think you have a problem with the locality, that’s OK, but you can still set up a system where, instead of having to handle it yourself, you can then use that mechanism to send it back somewhere appropriate. Not to the people that the local complaining people fear, but somewhere else. Think about how they do shuanggui. When you are shuanggui’d up, you’re going up a different parallel. So maybe what you need to do is, when you have a complaint in one province or one city, and then the complaint ought to be exercised by the complaint-hearing person in a different city.



Keren: So the U.S. handled this problem by setting up separate a judicial branch, how would the Chinese approach this, without copying the American style judicial independence?



LCB: You don’t necessarily need to set up a different branch. There are all kinds of ways of autonomy...



Keren: ...but some degree of differentiation is required in order to avoid conflict of interest, since the reason that the shangfang people go all the way to Beijing in the first place is because are cynical about the fairness of the local judicial organ, being controlled by the local government.



LCB: Right, and if the shangfang deals with the misconduct a local official, do what they did do with shanggui--move it to the next county over. For example, requiring the petition to be heard in different city...



Keren: And what about the separation between party and administrative organs? The fact that the shangfang petitions are going out their way coming to see the central authority, basically the central executive committee (dang zhongyang / 党中央), this implies that the party is seen structurally separate from the government, especially in terms of the political-economic relations between the party, the local government, and the people. So how can we ensure to preserve that degree of separation while ensuring accessibility for people to lodge their complaint without forming an additional judicial branch?



LCB: You’re going to have to figure out a way of slotting hearings of shangfang… I guess one of the other ways you can do it is use graded filing system similar to shuanggui.



Keren: In the U.S., the judicial branch handles a wide range of complaints--whether your complaint is about a murder, a government action, or a divorce, they all go to the same court system.



LCB: and the court is supposed to be autonomous and not connected.



Keren: That’s why the American court is capable of handling, for example, a person suing the state of Pennsylvania.



LCB: So you’ve got to find a person who is not connected. In China, to do that, without creating a new apparatus, you’d have to physically, since all lines are like this, you’d have to move it from this line to this line and so on.



Keren. Can’t they specifically delegate the judicial organ, which is part of the administrative apparatus, to handle the criminal and civil matters that don’t pertain to administrative actions. And for complaints dealing with the actions of the government, they can file petitions to a separate organ that’s designed to specifically handle shangfang petitions.



LCB: You mean, have the courts become shangfang entities as well?



Keren: No. The local courts don’t handle any of the shangfang, but handle the normal traffic law violations, divorce, to murder, anything that does not involve conflict of interests with the local government. But when the complaint is about local government officials or administrations, that creates a separate category, and they need to create a organ that’s separate from the judicial organ and not under the influence of local government to handle this kind of complaint.



LCB: Look at France, the industry and court system of France. You’re not going to want to do it the way the French do it exactly, but they have parallel system. And you don’t have to make it judicial, you could make it hearing officers who, all they do is deal with administrative complaints.



Keren: An administrative complaint organ, separate from the administrative government apparatus, and separate from the judicial organ which part of the local administration. This would resolve the contradiction without entirely change the existing Chinese judicial system.



LCB: And that may be a facility that is best placed in the party. And then you go to my old article that I wrote about the constitutional court of China based on moving the functions… so you have an administrative system.



Keren: And that system will be directly controlled by the party, but not considered a part of the administrative organ.



LCB: That makes a lot of sense because if there is a problem, the party is going to need to be able to shuanggui. You are effectively disciplining the state organ, and the only body that is fit to discipline state organs is the party.



Keren: This actually promotes the rule of law and social harmony, and offers the protection of people against administrative abuses without undermining leadership of the CCP.



LCB: ...and reinforces the state-party system in China, thus the rule of law under the Chinese socialist system.
For additional readings about the sustained development of a uniquely Chinese approach to rule of law and constitutionalism, especially in connection with their relationship to law, politics and democracy. 
(1) Backer, Larry Catá, A Constitutional Court for China within the Chinese Communist Party: Scientific Development and the Institutional Role of the CCP (Suffolk U. Law Review; November 28, 2008);
(2)   Backer, Larry Catá and Wang, Keren, 'What is China's Dream?' Hu Angang Imagines China in 2020 as the First Internationally Embedded Superpower (February 23, 2013). Consortium for Peace & Ethics Working Paper No. 2013-2;
(3) Backer, Larry Catá, Crafting a Theory of Socialist Democracy for China in the 21st Century: Considering Hu Angang's (胡鞍钢) Theory of Collective Presidency in the Context of the Emerging Chinese Constitutional State (May 15, 2014);
(4)  Backer, Larry Catá, The Rule of Law, the Chinese Communist Party, and Ideological Campaigns: Sange Daibiao (the 'Three Represents'), Socialist Rule of Law, and Modern Chinese Constitutionalism. Journal of Transnational Law and Contemporary Problems, Vol. 16, No. 1, 2006;
(5) Backer, Larry Catá and Wang, Keren, The Emerging Structures of Socialist Constitutionalism with Chinese Characteristics: Extra Judicial Detention (Laojiao and Shuanggui) and the Chinese Constitutional Order (Pacific Rim Law and Policy Journal, December 12, 2013);
(6) Backer, Larry Catá, Party, People, Government, and State: On Constitutional Values and the Legitimacy of the Chinese State-Party Rule of Law System (January 12, 2012). Boston University International Law Journal, Vol. 30, 2012.

 

Chapter 2 (Law and Justice: The cast of characters, institutions and Forms): From "Elements of Law" to "Introduction to the Law and Legal System of the United States"--Building an Introductory Course to the Legal Curriculum for the 21st Century

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(Pix (c) Larry Catá Backer 2014)

Since 2010, I have been posting on the development  of a new course I have been developing for our first year law school students, "Elements of Law."  The course originally had a quite modest objective--to introduce law students to legal research and reasoning through case law, statutory interpretation, and legal history, processes, and institutions.  I chose to broaden its objectives within these specific parameters and development a framing and concepts course that would provide a deep foundation to law students on the legal system they were undertaking to study. 
--Elements of Law 3.0: On the Relevance of a First Year Law Course Designed to Frame the Law School Curriculum).
--Developing a New Course--"Elements of Law"
--"Elements of Law" Course 2.0: A Framework Course for the U.S. Law Curriculum,
Grounded in the principles of the sociology of law, the course has morphed into an effort to introduce students to law as a self-referencing system with its own particular structures, premises, constraints and language, with its own logic and taboos and its own means of understanding the world.  That systemicity (cf. Peter Checkland, Systems Thinking, Systems Practice, Chichester : John Wiley and Sons Ltd, 1999) is then a critical element in the way in which the legal system (in this case of the United States) interacts with the world, both as a legal and as a socio-economic-political actor.  The course has also expanded from its original narrow and technical focus, to a broader focus on principles and the use of language and logic to build and operate a system of law. That broadening has made it possible to offer the course not just to first year law students, but also to graduate students in the social sciences and in international affairs, as a grounding in the legal systems that are important in their respective fields.

This post produces some of the materials I will be presenting to the class.  I offer these materials in hopes that they may prove of use and that you might share comments, perspectives and suggestions as I develop those materials on this site. Thanks.

This post includes a draft of Chapter 2.
 
Part I: What is Law?

Chapter 2

Law and Justice:  The cast of characters, institutions and Forms;
From Justinian’s Institutes to Jury Nullification


I. Introduction.

            The question “what is law?” is to some extent intimately connected with the question “where was law made?” to understand law, then, one has to understand the institutional context in which it is produced, and the extent to which particular institutions have been accorded power to “make” or “pronounce” law.  That investigation is also far more complex in the United States than a look at the organization of its government might suggest. For our purposes, we consider whether the answer to the question depends on the character of the institution producing “law,” and the actors vested with the law making power.  We also consider what about law gives it a special quality that distinguishes it from other forms of command, guidelines or direction.  These issues will be taken up in the next several chapters.              We will try to understand the qualities that produce “law”, in part, with an identification of the basic cast of characters, institutions and forms that mark the law as distinctive. 

            That process of identification can then be brought to bear on the “uniqueness” issue.  Students of law, whether in law schools or the social sciences, learn to distinguish between law and systems of religious rules, ethics, morals, or governance. Law students are taught to engage with law within the structures established for that purpose.  Social science and policy students are taught that the special character of law is critical for better understanding policy and distinguishing the actions of states, around which law is bound, and the lesser obligations of religion, ethics, morals and governance (except to the extent those are operationalized as law through their incorporation within the domestic legal order of a state).

            The uniqueness issue than touches on a central issue of law (and to some extent, though with distinct sets of vocabulary, religion, morals, ethics and governance) brings us to the first bedrock issue—the connection between law and justice.  This connection bridges law, legislation, government, custom, policy, and process.[1]  And it touches on the connection with law producers and law protectors—for example courts, mediators, etc.[2] We do not approach that issue from the perspective of philosophy, but more practically from an institutional perspective.  To what extent is law conceived as related to justice? To what extent might they mean the same thing?  What are the consequences of convergence or divergence?  Clearly these are issues that have attracted substantial critical thinking of the highest order—none of which will be the subject of our study. References to some of these works are provided at the end of the chapter.


II. Reading.

THE INSTITUTES OF JUSTINIAN
Translated into English by J. B. Moyle, D.C.L. of Lincoln’s Inn, Barrister-at-Law,
Fellow and Late Tutor of New College, Oxford
Fifth Edition (1913)

* PROOEMIVM *

In the name of Our Lord, Jesus Christ.

The Emperor Caesar Flavius Justinian, conqueror of the Alamanni, the Goths, the Franks, the Germans, the Antes, the Alani, the Vandals, the Africans, pious, prosperous, renowned, victorious, and triumphant, ever august,

To the youth desirous of studying the law:

The imperial majesty should be armed with laws as well as glorified with arms, that there may be good government in times both of war and of peace, and the ruler of Rome may not only be victorious over his enemies, but may show himself as scrupulously regardful of justice as triumphant over his conquered foes.

With deepest application and forethought, and by the blessing of God, we have attained both of these objects. The barbarian nations which we have subjugated know our valour, Africa and other provinces without number being once more, after so long an interval, reduced beneath the sway of Rome by victories granted by Heaven, and themselves bearing witness to our dominion. All peoples too are ruled by laws which we have either enacted or arranged. Having removed every inconsistency from the sacred constitutions, hitherto inharmonious and confused, we extended our care to the immense volumes of the older jurisprudence; and, like sailors crossing the mid-ocean, by the favour of Heaven have now completed a work of which we once despaired. When this, with God’s blessing, had been done, we called together that distinguished man Tribonian, master and ex-quaestor of our sacred palace, and the illustrious Theophilus and Dorotheus, professors of law, of whose ability, legal knowledge, and trusty observance of our orders we have received many and genuine proofs, and especially commissioned them to compose by our authority and advice a book of Institutes, whereby you may be enabled to learn your first lessons in law no longer from ancient fables, but to grasp them by the brilliant light of imperial learning, and that your ears and minds may receive nothing useless or incorrect, but only what holds good in actual fact. And thus whereas in past time even the foremost of you were unable to read the imperial constitutions until after four years, you, who have been so honoured and fortunate as to receive both the beginning and the end of your legal teaching from the mouth of the Emperor, can now enter on the study of them without delay. After the completion therefore of the fifty books of the Digest or Pandects, in which all the earlier law has been collected by the aid of the said distinguished Tribonian and other illustrious and most able men, we directed the division of these same Institutes into four books, comprising the first elements of the whole science of law. In these the law previously obtaining has been briefly stated, as well as that which after becoming disused has been again brought to light by our imperial aid. Compiled from all the Institutes of our ancient jurists, and in particular from the commentaries of our Gaius on both the Institutes and the common cases, and from many other legal works, these Institutes were submitted to us by the three learned men aforesaid, and after reading and examining them we have given them the fullest force of our constitutions.

Receive then these laws with your best powers and with the eagerness of study, and show yourselves so learned as to be encouraged to hope that when you have compassed the whole field of law you may have ability to govern such portion of the state as may be entrusted to you.

Given at Constantinople the 21st day of November, in the third consulate of the Emperor Justinian, Father of his Country, ever august.

* BOOK I *
TITLES
I. Of Justice and Law
II. Of the law of nature, the law of nations,
and the civil law

* * * * * *

TITLE I
OF JUSTICE AND LAW

Justice is the set and constant purpose which gives to every man his due.

1. Jurisprudence is the knowledge of things divine and human, the science of the just and the unjust.

2. Having laid down these general definitions, and our object being the exposition of the law of the Roman people, we think that the most advantageous plan will be to commence with an easy and simple path, and then to proceed to details with a most careful and scrupulous exactness of interpretation. Otherwise, if we begin by burdening the student’s memory, as yet weak and untrained, with a multitude and variety of matters, one of two things will happen: either we shall cause him wholly to desert the study of law, or else we shall bring him at last, after great labour, and often, too, distrustful of his own powers (the commonest cause, among the young, of ill-success), to a point which he might have reached earlier, without such labour and confident in himself, had he been led along a smoother path.

3. The precepts of the law are these: to live honestly, to injure no one, and to give every man his due.

4. The study of law consists of two branches, law public, and law private. The former relates to the welfare of the Roman State; the latter to the advantage of the individual citizen. Of private law then we may say that it is of threefold origin, being collected from the precepts of nature, from those of the law of nations, or from those of the civil law of Rome.

TITLE II
OF THE LAW OF NATURE, THE LAW OF NATIONS, AND THE CIVIL LAW

The law of nature is that which she has taught all animals; a law not peculiar to the human race, but shared by all living creatures, whether denizens of the air, the dry land, or the sea. Hence comes the union of male and female, which we call marriage; hence the procreation and rearing of children, for this is a law by the knowledge of which we see even the lower animals are distinguished.

1. The civil law of Rome, and the law of all nations, differ from each other thus. The laws of every people governed by statutes and customs are partly peculiar to itself, partly common to all mankind. Those rules which a state enacts for its own members are peculiar to itself, and are called civil law: those rules prescribed by natural reason for all men are observed by all peoples alike, and are called the law of nations. Thus the laws of the Roman people are partly peculiar to itself, partly common to all nations; a distinction of which we shall take notice as occasion offers.

2.  Civil law takes its name from the state wherein it binds; for instance, the civil law of Athens, it being quite correct to speak thus of the enactments of Solon or Draco. So too we call the law of the Roman people the civil law of the Romans, or the law of the Quirites; the law, that is to say, which they observe, the Romans being called Quirites after Quirinus. Whenever we speak, however, of civil law, without any qualification, we mean our own; exactly as, when ‘the poet’ is spoken of, without addition or qualification, the Greeks understand the great Homer, and we understand Vergil. But the law of nations is common to the whole human race; for nations have settled certain things for themselves as occasion and the necessities of human life required. For instance, wars arose, and then followed captivity and slavery, which are contrary to the law of nature; for by the law of nature all men from the beginning were born free. The law of nations again is the source of almost all contracts; for instance, sale, hire, partnership, deposit, loan for consumption, and very many others.

3. Our law is partly written, partly unwritten, as among the Greeks. The written law consists of statutes, plebiscites, senatusconsults, enactments of the Emperors, edicts of the magistrates, and answers of those learned in the law.

4. A statute is an enactment of the Roman people, which it used to make on the motion of a senatorial magistrate, as for instance a consul. A plebiscite is an enactment of the commonalty, such as was made on the motion of one of their own magistrates, as a tribune. The commonalty differs from the people as a species from its genus; for ‘the people’ includes the whole aggregate of citizens, among them patricians and senators, while the term ‘commonalty’ embraces only such citizens as are not patricians or senators. After the passing, however, of the statute called the lex Hortensia, plebiscites acquired for the first time the force of statutes.

5. A senatusconsult is a command and ordinance of the senate, for when the Roman people had been so increased that it was difficult to assemble it together for the purpose of enacting statutes, it seemed right that the senate should be consulted instead of the people.

6 Again, what the Emperor determines has the force of a statute, the people having conferred on him all their authority and power by the lex regia,which was passed concerning his office and authority. Consequently, whatever the Emperor settles by rescript, or decides in his judicial capacity, or ordains by edicts, is clearly a statute: and these are what are called constitutions. Some of these of course are personal, and not to be followed as precedents, since this is not the Emperor’s will; for a favour bestowed on individual merit, or a penalty inflicted for individual wrongdoing, or relief given without a precedent, do not go beyond the particular person: though others are general, and bind all beyond a doubt.

7. The edicts of the praetors too have no small legal authority, and these we are used to call the ius honorarium, because those who occupy posts of honour in the state, in other words the magistrates, have given authority to this branch of law. The curule aediles also used to issue an edict relating to certain matters, which forms part of the ius honorarium.

8. The answers of those learned in the law are the opinions and views of persons authorized to determine and expound the law; for it was of old provided that certain persons should publicly interpret the laws, who were called jurisconsults, and whom the Emperor privileged to give formal answers. If they were unanimous the judge was forbidden by imperial constitution to depart from their opinion, so great was its authority.

9 The unwritten law is that which usage has approved: for ancient customs, when approved by consent of those who follow them, are like statute.

10 And this division of the civil law into two kinds seems not inappropriate, for it appears to have originated in the institutions of two states, namely Athens and Lacedaemon; it having been usual in the latter to commit to memory what was observed as law, while the Athenians observed only what they had made permanent in written statutes.

11 But the laws of nature, which are observed by all nations alike, are established, as it were, by divine providence, and remain ever fixed and immutable: but the municipal laws of each individual state are subject to frequent change, either by the tacit consent of the people, or by the subsequent enactment of another statute.

12 The whole of the law which we observe relates either to persons, or to things, or to actions. And first let us speak of persons: for it is useless to know the law without knowing the persons for whose sake it was established.

* * * * * * * *

III. Introduction: The cast of characters, institutions and forms; Reading Justinian’s Institutes

            The central reading for this first day’s assignment is an excerpt from the beginning of Justinian’s Institutes[3] (J.B. Moyle trans. (Oxford, 1911) [Some emendations by CD]); with a focus on Bk  I, titles 1(Of Justice and Law) and 2 (Of the Law of Nature, the Law of Nations, and the Civil Law). The purpose of this exercise is to begin to situate the core question raised by the course—“what is law?” The assumption is that entering law students, like many others, have assumptions about the meaning and scope of law, that are usually based on premises that have never been explored—for example, that law is what the legislature passes as a statute, or law is what a court applies, etc. because that is the way our political order is constructed, etc. This first session is meant to expose and unpack those assumptions and then to suggest a more rigorous way of thinking about the issues and ambiguities. The Institutes provides an excellent vehicle for introducing these concepts and the issues they raise precisely because the Institutes seek to raise and settle these questions quite definitively as a foundational basis for the “law” that is then elaborated.

            The first thing that ought to strike the student is the introduction. The Institutes invokes the state deity (by the time of the Institutes Christianity had become the official religion of the Roman Empire).[4] It also invokes the authority of the Emperor as head of state, and as the authorized conduit of the divine will. This ritualized invocation, replicated innumerable times since in dozens of states in the West and in a variety of forms is not without importance to law and legal systems. One of the characteristics that makes law special is its authority to compel adherence.  That authority to compel adherence is based on the legitimacy of its promulgation.  And that legitimacy of promulgation is a function of the authority vested in the institution that does the promulgating.  Legitimacy has for a long time been either personal within the body of a monarch or ruler, who incarnates the essence of the state,[5] or it is bound in the authority of a divine being whose will is manifested by a designated individual or caste—either a priestly caste or a political one.  Consider the more modern form of this ancient form of promulgation in the Meiji Constitution of 1889.

__________




The Constitution of the Empire of Japan
(1889)

From Hirobumi Ito, Commentaries on the constitution of the empire of Japan,
trans. Miyoji Ito (Tokyo: Igirisu-horitsu gakko, 22nd year of Meiji,1889)
Hanover Historical Texts Project
Scanned by Jonathan Dresner, Harvard University.

Imperial Oath Sworn in the Sanctuary in the Imperial Palace (Tsuge-bumi)

We, the Successor to the prosperous Throne of Our Predecessors, do humbly and solemnly swear to the Imperial Founder of Our House and to Our other Imperial Ancestors that, in pursuance of a great policy co-extensive with the Heavens and with the Earth, We shall maintain and secure from decline the ancient form of government.

In consideration of the progressive tendency of the course of human affairs and in parallel with the advance of civilization, We deem it expedient, in order to give clearness and distinctness to the instructions bequeathed by the Imperial Founder of Our House and by Our other Imperial Ancestors, to establish fundamental laws formulated into express provisions of law, so that, on the one hand, Our Imperial posterity may possess an express guide for the course they are to follow, and that, on the other, Our subjects shall thereby be enabled to enjoy a wider range of action in giving Us their support, and that the observance of Our laws shall continue to the remotest ages of time. We will thereby to give greater firmness to the stability of Our country and to promote the welfare of all the people within the boundaries of Our dominions; and We now establish the Imperial House Law and the Constitution. These Laws come to only an exposition of grand precepts for the conduct of the government, bequeathed by the Imperial Founder of Our House and by Our other Imperial Ancestors. That we have been so fortunate in Our reign, in keeping with the tendency of the times, as to accomplish this work, We owe to the glorious Spirits of the Imperial Founder of Our House and of Our other Imperial Ancestors.

We now reverently make Our prayer to Them and to Our Illustrious Father, and implore the help of Their Sacred Spirits, and make to Them solemn oath never at this time nor in the future to fail to be an example to our subjects in the observance of the Laws hereby established.

May the heavenly Spirits witness this Our solemn Oath.

 
Imperial Rescript on the Promulgation of the Constitution

Whereas We make it the joy and glory of Our heart to behold the prosperity of Our country, and the welfare of Our subjects, We do hereby, in virtue of the Supreme power We inherit from Our Imperial Ancestors, promulgate the present immutable fundamental law, for the sake of Our present subjects and their descendants.

The Imperial Founder of Our House and Our other Imperial ancestors, by the help and support of the forefathers of Our subjects, laid the foundation of Our Empire upon a basis, which is to last forever. That this brilliant achievement embellishes the annals of Our country, is due to the glorious virtues of Our Sacred Imperial ancestors, and to the loyalty and bravery of Our subjects, their love of their country and their public spirit. Considering that Our subjects are the descendants of the loyal and good subjects of Our Imperial Ancestors, We doubt not but that Our subjects will be guided by Our views, and will sympathize with all Our endeavors, and that, harmoniously cooperating together, they will share with Us Our hope of making manifest the glory of Our country, both at home and abroad, and of securing forever the stability of the work bequeathed to Us by Our Imperial Ancestors.

Preamble [or Edict) (Joyu)

Having, by virtue of the glories of Our Ancestors, ascended the throne of a lineal succession unbroken for ages eternal; desiring to promote the welfare of, and to give development to the moral and intellectual faculties of Our beloved subjects, the very same that have been favored with the benevolent care and affectionate vigilance of Our Ancestors; and hoping to maintain the prosperity of the State, in concert with Our people and with their support, We hereby promulgate, in pursuance of Our Imperial Rescript of the 12th day of the 10th month of the 14th year of Meiji, a fundamental law of the State, to exhibit the principles, by which We are guided in Our conduct, and to point out to what Our descendants and Our subjects and their descendants are forever to conform.

_________

But many modern constitutions and the law systems they frame, are grounded in popular authority.  Consider the we known but usually overlooked introduction to the U.S. Constitution: “We the People of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.” 


            The issue of authority is central to the concept of law.  That can take a variety of forms.  In the United States that sometimes posits contests for authority to make law between courts and legislature.  In other jurisdictions the issue is framed in terms of rule of law—where authority is individual and personal rather than collective. We will take these themes up in later chapters.  But for now the important point is the foundational importance of authority to law.

            Second, the student should notice to whom the notice is addressed.  In the case of the Institutes, to law students are identified as the instruments of the imperial will (officers of the court serving a public purpose in American terminology).  They are the critical actors that make good government possible through their mediating role in implementing law.  The role of the lawyer, then, is also a critical element of law and legal systems.  In the United States it has acquired a peculiar character that is at once bound up in the operation of the legal system itself (the lawyer as facilitator and key actor) and as an authoritative policy actor (making, modifying and organizing resistance to law and serving as an organizing nucleus for reform. We will consider the critical role of the lawyer in the context of the move to create legal barriers to segregated public education in the later chapters of this book. 

            Third, there is a long paragraph that appears to describe the events leading to the promulgation of the new set of laws to which the Institutes relates.  Most students will tend to look at this section, read a line or two and then skip to the next.  But that would be a mistake.  The drafters of the Institutes did not waste ink and paper.  What then was the purpose of that paragraph, and why should contemporary law students care?  The modern analogue of this paragraph might be understood as legislative history—a means of both attesting to the reasoning underlying the legislative effort and a means of conveying legislative intent.  In this case, the object was to compile in an accessible form the laws of the Empire, to refine and to make coherent the laws of the Empire.  To that end the Emperor engaged a duly constituted committee of expert (a procedure well known today in legislative programs, with special reference to the legislative habits of the European Union) to produce what for U.S. law students today would be something like a hornbook—a means of systematically studying law as the Imperial government would have it studied. And thus a bit of irony—the Institutes served as the law books of their day for generations of Roman (and then Byzantine) law students whose wrestling with those works might in some ways resemble the wrestling that contemporary law students now engage (with equal measure of joy) in today’s law schools.

            With this is mind, the student might then turn to the substance.  And here we draw certain key points about the character of law that will follow the student through the end of these readings. The Institutes (short for Institutiones Justiniani or “Justinian’s Institutes”) forms a part of the Corpus Iuris Civilis, the great codification of all Roman law ordered by the Emperor Justinian in the 6th century. The rediscovery of the Corpus Iuris in late medieval Europe served to ignite a juristic revival that provided the foundation of what would ultimately produce the modern legal systems of Europe. The Institutes served as the law book for first year law students in the ancient world. Unlike modern student case books, the Institutes also carried the force of law. Its object was to provide law students with the simplest introduction to the study of Roman law by then almost a millennium in development. Today it may also provide U.S. law students with a similar frame of reference. It provides the basic answers to questions about the subject they will be studying for the next three years in ways that should be simple to understand and that may provide larger insights useful in their doctrinal classes.

            The Institutes starts with an attempt to define “justice” rather than “law.” The reason is simple—the basic object of law ought to be to produce justice. But without an understanding of justice law becomes little more than a mechanical exercise. The definition of justice is simple yet subtle: “a set and constant purpose that gives everyone his due.” Notice what is emphasized: accessibility and predictability. These eventually became foundational notions of both rule of law and of the general principles of law of most civil law countries. In the United States it forms the basis of our constitutional notions of due process. It forms the essence of the framework for the federal Rules of Civil Procedure, as well as the foundation of U.S. Constitutional law. Notice as well what is left open ended: the substance of the meaning of justice. What may be a person’s due may be both malleable and contextual. Its sources lie outside of justice. In essence, then, justice is principally concerned with matters of process applied to a definite set of substantive concerns centering on the fundamental obligations due persons, the precise nature of which may not, in fact, be derived from the concept of justice itself. In other words, just because one can set up a well arranged law system doesn’t tell you what sorts of law one will enforce.

            Jurisprudence is then the study of the science of the just and unjust. Put differently, jurisprudence is the study of the application of principles of accessibility and predictability to the elaboration of the obligations owed to every person, the substance of which is derived from the study of “things divine and human.” (Bk I, Tit.  I.1). While lawyers do not generally spend much time on the great issues of jurisprudence, they are constantly constrained by the limits to lawyer’s role that are derived from jurisprudential principles. If for no other reason, it behooves lawyers to have a passing understanding of the relationship of law to jurisprudence—that is the relationship between what law can be used for and its application in specific circumstances.

            How does one approach the study of so massive a field? The Institutes suggest a methodology that continues to be influential for the study of law, and in some jurisdictions for the development of law codes. One starts from the simplest and most general principles and then expands from the most general to the most specific. (Bk I, Tit.  I.2). Yet it is ironic to observe that even almost 2,000 years ago, there was a tremendous amount of concern about making the study of law relevant and of keeping students interested. It is not clear that either then or now we have reached a point of great success. But the point is worth remembering—for law students, it always makes sense to start from the most general principle and then proceed to the most intricate and specific application. That is the essence of the study of civil law in many states. In the United States, a different approach is sometimes more popular. That approach takes the whole of the law and works through it from “beginning to end”. The reason this approach works in the United States, especially with respect to common law is because the basic principles are built into the specific application of law to particular groups of related cases (e.g., person A hits person B). By working through these, group by group, the general principles of law eventually emerge. That, for example, is the way one might constructively study torts.

            It is only after this broad discussion of justice and the construction of an appropriate pedagogy that the Institutes, at last, arrive at the central issue; what is law? The Institutes provide an ambiguous answer: “The precepts of the law are these: to live honestly, to injure no one, and to give every man his due” (Bk  I, Tit.  I.3). Law, then, appears to be the means through which justice is manifested in society. Law is the manifestation of accessibility and predictability at the center of justice; it is justice made manifest. But the definition also leaves open the issue of the content of law. That is a subject related but extrinsic to law. (Bk I. Tit.  I.4). What that means is that merely because one knows how to make law does not mean she knows what sort of law to make. The content of law, its substance, comes from outside of law itself. You have to look for the particulars of law elsewhere. The Institutes will eventually point to where those authoritative sources are. The student will find that these sources remain relevant for law making today.

            But to make law one needs more than a source for what to make law about, one needs a structure through which to make law. Unlike the study of jurisprudence, which is disassociated from the structures through which individuals combine to form their political societies, the study of law is firmly tied to the governmental systems of the state through which it is created. The state provides the context for the specific elaboration of the content of law, and also for the legitimate construction of that content. The state is the space through which the extrinsic meaning of “every person’s due” is made intrinsic, legitimate and enforceable against individuals and the state itself. Because of the pivotal relationship between law and the state, it comes as no surprise that the study of law is divided by reference to the state. The Institutes, like most law systems today, make a distinction between public law (the law of the state) and private law (the law applicable to the activities of individuals). The law of the state is self-referential—it is constructed of itself, by itself and for itself. This law of the constitution remains very much a work in progress both among our intellectual ancestors and the community of states today.

            It is only with respect to the law touching on individual activities that the issue of extrinsic sources at last is confronted. And at last the Institutes introduce what it identifies as the three principal extrinsic sources of law: “collected from the precepts of nature, from those of the law of nations, or from those of the civil law of Rome.” (Bk I. Tit. I.4). These continue to form the most important legitimating sources of law, sufficiently well-respected to induce both acceptance and compliance. But what exactly do these sources describe? The first is the most open ended and ambiguous. It suggests the law of nature, a substantially unhelpful approach. For many, from the time of the Institutes through the present day in the United States and elsewhere, the “precepts of nature” has been interpreted as the “law” of religion. For others, and especially after the Enlightenment in the West (and in some Marxist Leninist states as well), the “precepts of nature” point to scientific knowledge, that is to rules observed within the nature world about the “way things work”—truth from facts (or “scientific” development in the language of Chinese Marxist Leninism). The question of nature as an extrinsic source of law remains a lively subject of debate today, one that is evident throughout the traditional first year law school curriculum. Students might find it useful to see which sort of “precepts of nature” are deployed to justify particular law and policy decisions by courts.

The second and third are perhaps sources are no less interesting but easier to describe. At first glance both appear circular—the extrinsic source of law is law. But a closer reading suggests something more interesting. Both the law of nations and the civil law of Rome point to the importance of custom and tradition as a baseline source of law. That is, the law of nations is whatever it is the community of nations accepts; traditionally those embody the customs of behavior expectations embraced by nations. The same is true for the civil law of Rome, which represents the elaboration and systematization over a long time of the customs and mores of the people of Rome (as Aristotle might have understood this in his Politics); in modern terms their common law. There is more, of course, and each of these sources of law can reveal theory own ambiguities. But for my purposes here, the most interesting aspects of these extrinsic sources point to the foundational importance of customs and traditions of the people as a source of law. These are as important today in U.S. jurisprudence as it has been in earlier Western legal cultures.

            The notions about the fundamental character of these extrinsic sources are then elaborated in Title II.

            The law of nature is first defined as the incorporation of the natural order into the legal order. It is based on the observations and conclusions drawn from those interpreting “nature” in the sense that “a law not peculiar to the human race, but shared by all living creatures.” Ironically, the example provided in the Institutes is marriage between a man and a woman. Yet, to contemporary ears, that conclusion suggests the ways in which the human observer views the natural world and draw inferences therefrom that reflect more the observer than the phenomenon observed. Yet this basic notion of natural law has been an important element of U.S. law as well, framing everything from decisions about the role of women, gay marriage, sodomy, miscegenation, abortion, and murder. (Bk ITit. II) In modern form, this sort of law of nature permits the intrusion of science into lawmaking as providing the extrinsic justification for law. And, indeed, this relationship between the natural order of things and the observer is made explicit in the understanding of natural law. There is a divine or providential element to natural law that exists side by side with the natural law derived from the interpretation of natural phenomena: “the laws of nature, which are observed by all nations alike, are established, as it were, by divine providence, and remain ever fixed and immutable”. (Bk I, Tit. II 11).

            The domestic law of a state and the law of nations proceeds not from nature but from the customs and peculiarities of the people who are bound thereby. (Bk I,Tit. II.1). The law of nations reflects the aggregations of individual customs of states but emerges from an exercise of the natural reason of all humanity. Its relationship to natural law rests with the character of the law of nations—both are passive and derived from the observation of convention and custom that have acquired a universal interpretation. Neither is understood in an instrumental sense. One does not make the law of nature; neither, it seems, at this point in time, does one make the law of nature by agreement and prospectively; it acquires its character only when it is observed. This notion continues to survive into modern times in part as customary international law. Lastly, the Institutes note that the law of every state includes a mix of its own customs and statutes (civil law), the law of nations, and the law of nature.(Bk I. Tit. 2.1).

            What the Institutes call civil law is in modern times usually referenced as the domestic legal order of a state. (Bk I, Tit. II. 2). This is contrasted to the law of nations which binds all civilized people. But the law of nations as understood in the Institutes is not the equivalent to modern international law, that is, the law of relationships among states. It is a broader concept including those principles of behavior which were said to be common among all. In this sense, the law of nations comes closer to modern understandings of principles of global governance within the structures of globalization than it does classical international law. A hierarchy of law is suggested in the discussion of the law of nations—natural law is always inferior to a contrary principle of the law of nations. The example used in the Institutes is telling; the law of nations is the source of all contracts. This points to the transnational element of law, and for example, the lex mercatoria, but not to the formal structures of the law regulating the relations among states (ambassadors, the laws of war and the like). (Bk I, Tit. II. 2).

            Whatever its source, the Institutes suggest that law may take two forms; it may be written or unwritten. (Bk ITit. II,3). This division was said itself to be a product of tradition and custom, reflecting the two approaches to law developed by Athens and Sparta. (Bk I, Tit. II, 10). As is the case in modern states, the Institutes declare that every state is subject to law that is both written and unwritten. (Bk ITit. II,3). It then describes the form that written law may take (“statutes, plebiscites, senatusconsults, enactments of the Emperors, edicts of the magistrates, and answers of those learned in the law”). (Bk ITit. II,3). Many of these forms survive through modern times (statutes, plebiscites, etc.). Some remain important in the law systems of some states but not in others (e.g., the work of those learned in law). Some have disappeared except in attenuated form (e.g., senatusconsults). The character of written law is then addressed (Bk ITit. II.4-8).

            In contrast to the large variety of written law, unwritten law, as in our own time, is sourced principally from ancient custom. But such custom assumes the character of law only “when approved by consent of those who follow them” (Bk I Tit. II.9). Such customary law assumes the character of statutes.

            The power to change the substance of law depends as well on its nature. Natural law is as immutable as nature or religion dictates. The law of nations and civil law are far more mutable. Both, however, are amendable only by consent, either directly by the people, or by the enactment of subsequent law. To that end, the legitimacy of enactment then becomes for the Institutes, as it does in our time, the essential feature of law systems. More tellingly, the tensions between the immutable laws of nature, the more mutable law of nations and the most mutable civil law are also acknowledged. (Bk ITit. II.11). There is an allusion as well both to conflicts of law and to the framework within which these laws are interpreted. Lastly, the Institutes classify the entirety of the civil law as relating to either to persons, or to things, or to actions. (Bk ITit. II.12). For many jurisdictions, this remains the structural framework for the division of civil law.

            So, taken together, how might the Institutes help a student better approach an answer to the question: “what is law?” There are a number of important insights that can be usefully extracted. First, the question of the identity of law is old. Much of the way in which modern states approach the issue of law can be traced back to our cultural roots in the great ancient republics and empires from which many European and Western Hemisphere states emerged. That definition suggests a connection but not an identity between law and justice. Both further suggest the core fundamental principles of law systems: accessibility and predictability. But notions of justice also suggest the basic contextual framework within which law is developed—the substantive content of law is grounded in notions of what is a person’s due. And, indeed, one way to understand law is the expression of a set and predictable system setting out what constitutes each person’s due. It is the means through which justice, as defined and structured, is manifested. That caveat is important. The relation between law and justice, then is structural but not necessarily substantive. Both concepts are empty vessels. Yet that is essentially the core nature of its character. But what becomes of the question of the substance of law? That aspect of the question is re-characterized as a question of the nature and content of the sources of law. Where law originates, then, serves to define its content. Those sources—the law of nature, the law of nations and the civil or positive law of a political unit, usually a state—define the universe of legal sources. Their character is inherent in their identity. Natural law is immutable; the law of nations more mutable and the civil law of a state the most flexible. Underlying much of law (beyond natural law) are notions of custom and tradition. Also identified as important are notions of consent. The aggregate law of every state is said to be derived from a combination (which can vary from state to state) of a combination of the three. Lastly, this framework leads to a fundamental conclusion—that there is no single or best set of substantive values or norms, that it is not possible to develop a single universal set of substantive law. These insights will be useful as a starting baseline for the students’ consideration of the “elements” of law in the United States.


IV. Problem: Jury Nullification.

The discussion of the relationship between law and justice raises an interesting question.  If law and justice are related, at least contextually within a governance community (a state, or the federal government) and if laws are developed to provide justice, might it be possible to envision a situation where law that appears just in form perpetrates an injustice in fact.  And if that possibility can be entertained, are there mechanisms through which these injustices in application may be ameliorated.

Problem:  Seaside City, a municipality organized under the laws of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania has a noticeable number of people begging for food. A majority of the City Council and the Mayor recently won election on a platform of ensuring that begging should be eliminated from the city. On February 1, the City Council passed and the Mayor signed Ordinance 200, An Act to Protect People from Potentially Contaminated Food.  Ordinance 200 makes it a misdemeanor punishable by a fine of $1,000 and six months in jail for anyone convicted of  “making available or otherwise distributing” food from a restaurant or similar establishment that had not been consumed by customers. 

Many restaurant owners resented Ordinance 200, some had a tradition, long established, of distributing uneaten cooked food to  the homeless and other needy at the close of their business hours.   One restaurant—Yummy Tropical—had an arrangement with a local Church in which Ms. Beta, the restaurant owner was a member, to transport homeless individuals to Yummy Tropical at the close of business to receive food. Both the church and Ms. Beta feel strongly on moral and religious grounds of their duty to feed the poor.  Many people in Seaside City also hold these views. On March 1, Officer A approached Ms. Beta, and explained Ordinance 200.  Officer A also stated that she knew about Yummy Tropical’s arrangement with the Church and that she would be deploying officers to watch the restaurant for compliance with Ordinance 200.  That evening the Church brought a number of homeless to the back of the premises of Yummy tropical, from where unconsumed prepared food was distributed. 

Officer A immediately arrested Ms. Beta, who was subsequently tried in the local criminal court for violation of Ordinance 200.  After presentation of evidence, including video of the distribution of food at Yummy Tropical, the jury unanimously rendered a general verdict of not guilty.  If the verdict was reached contrary to the evidence, did the jurors do wrong, were they empowered to act in this way, and could a court refuse to accept their verdict?  Do you think that what the jury did was right?  Does it make a difference if the judge is a fact finder rather than a jury? What does this tell you about the relationship of law and justice.

Consider the answers to these questions in the light of the materials that follow.  Note the distinction that is made between the respective power of juries and judges in civil trials and in criminal trials.  Consider the extent to which that difference may be attributed to the nature of criminal prosecution (an action by the state) and civil litigation (usually an action between private parties).  Might you be able to make an argument that the rule favoring judges in civil trials ought to be different when it is the state that is a litigant (for example in matters where the state seeks civil penalties or remedies against an individual or entity)? Should the answer turn on whether there would have been a right to a jury trial? 


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Constitution of the United States of America

Amendment VI

In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the Assistance of Counsel for his defence.

Amendment VII

In Suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried by a jury, shall be otherwise re-examined in any Court of the United States, than according to the rules of the common law.


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Supreme Court of the United States.
SPARF et al.
v.
UNITED STATES.
No. 613.
156 U.S. 51 (January 21, 1895).
In Error to the Circuit Court of the United States for the Northern District of California.

Opinion
Mr. Justice HARLAN delivered the opinion of the court.

The plaintiffs in error and Thomas St. Clair were indicted jointly for the murder of Maurice Fitzgerald upon the high seas, on board of an American vessel, the bark Hesper, as set forth in the indictment mentioned in St. Clair v. U. S., 154 U. S. 134, 14 Sup. Ct. 1002. On motion of the accused, it was ordered that they be tried separately. St. Clair was tried, found guilty of murder, and sentenced to suffer the punishment of death. Subsequently the order for separate trials was set aside, and the present defendants were tried together, and both were convicted of murder. A motion for a new trial having been overruled, a like sentence was imposed upon them.

The general facts of this case do not differ from those proved in St. Clair's Case, and some of the questions arising upon the present assignments of error were determined in that case. Only such questions will be here examined as were not properly persented or did not arise in the other case, and are of sufficient importance to require notice at our hands.

In the night of January 13, 1893, Fitzgerald, the second mate of the Hesper, was found to be missing, and it was believed that he had been killed, and his body thrown overboard. Suspicion being directed to St. Clair, Sparf, and Hansen, part of the crew of the Hesper, as participants in the killing, they were put in irons, by order of Capt. Sodergren, master of the vessel, and were so kept during the voyage from the locality of the supposed murder to Tahiti, an island in the South Pacific, belonging to the French government. They were taken ashore by the United States consul at that island, and subsequently were sent, with others, to San Francisco, on the vessel Tropic Bird.

At the trial, Capt. Sodergren, a witness for the government, was asked whether or not after the 13th day of January, and before reaching Tahiti, which was more than 1,000 miles from the locality of the alleged murder, he had any conversation with the defendant Hansen about the killing of Fitzgeraid. This question having been answered by the witness in the affirmative, he was fully examined as to the circumstances under which the conversation was held. He said, among other things, that no one was present but Hansen and himself. Being asked to repeat the conversation referred to, the accused, by the counsel who had been appointed by the court to represent them, objected to the question as ‘irrelevant, immaterial, and incompetent, and upon the ground that any statement made by Hansen was not and could not be voluntary.’ The objection was overruled, and the defendants duly excepted. The witness then stated what Hansen had said to him. That evidence tended strongly to show that Fitzgerald was murdered pursuant to a plan formed between St. Clair, Sparf, and Hansen; that all three actively participated in the murder; and that the crime was committed under the most revolting circumstances.

Thomas Green and Edward Larsen, two of the crew of the Hesper, were also witnesses for the government. They were permitted to state what Hansen said to them during the voyage from Tahiti to San Francisco. This evidence was also objected to as irrelevant, immaterial, and incompetent, and upon the further ground that the statement the accused was represented to have made was not voluntary. But the objection was overruled, and an exception taken.

Upon the conclusion of the evidence, the defendants requested certain instructions, which the court refused to give, and they excepted to its action in that particular, as well as to certain parts of the charge to the jury.

* * * * * * * *

2. One of the specifications of error relates to the refusal of the court to give certain instructions asked by the defendants, and to parts of the charge to the jury.

The defendants asked the court to instruct the jury as follows:
‘In all criminal causes the defendant may be found guilty of any offense the commission of which is necessarily included in that with which he is charged in the indictment, or the defendant may be found guilty of an attempt to commit the offense so charged, provided that such attempt be itself a separate offense.’ ‘Under an indictment charging murder, the defendant may be convicted of murder, of manslaughter, or an attempt to commit either murder or manslaughter.’ ‘Under the indictment in this case, the defendants may be convicted of murder, or manslaughter, or of an attempt to commit murder or manslaughter; and if, after a full and careful consideration of all the evidence before you, you believe, beyond a reasonable doubt, that the defendants are guilty either of manslaughter, or of an assault with intent to commit murder or manslaughter, you should so find your verdict.’ These instructions were refused, and the defendants excepted.
In its charge to the jury, the court, among other things, said: ‘What, then, is murder? There are only two kinds of felonious homicide known to the laws of the United States. One is murder, and the other is manslaughter. There are no degrees of murder.’ . . . I do not consider it necessary, gentlemen, to explain it further, for if a felonious homicide has been committed, of which you are to be the judges from the proof, there is nothing in this case to reduce it below the grade of murder. In other words, it may be in the power of the jury, under the indictment by which these defendants are accused and tried, of finding them guilty of a less crime than murder, to wit, manslaughter, or an attempt to commit murder; yet, as I have said in this case, if a felonious homicide has been committed at all, of which I repeat you are the judges, there is nothing to reduce it below the grade of murder.’
The court further said to the jury:
‘You are the exclusive judges of the credibility of the witnesses, and, in judging of their credibility, you have a right to take into consideration their prejudices, motives, or feelings of revenge, if any such have been proven or shown by the evidence in the case. If you believe from the evidence that any witness or witnesses have knowingly and willfully testified falsely as to any material fact or point, you are at liberty to disregard entirely the testimony of such witness or witnesses.’


* * * * * * * *

The requests for instruction made by the defendants were based upon section 1035 of the Revised Statutes of the United States, providing that ‘in all criminal causes the defendant may be found guilty of any offence the commission of which is necessarily included in that with which he is charged in indictment, or may be found guilty of an attempt to commit the offence so charged: provided, that such attempt be itself a separate offence.’

The refusal to grant the defendants' requests for instructions, taken in connection with so much of the charge as referred to the crime of manslaughter, and the observations of the court when the jury, through their foreman, applied for further instructions, present the question whether the court transcended its authority when saying, as in effect it did, that, in view of the evidence, the only verdict the jury could under the law properly render would be either one of guilty of the offense charged, or one of not guilty of the offense charged; that if a felonious homicide had been committed by either of the defendants, of which the jury were the judges from the proof, there was nothing in this case to reduce it below the grade of murder; and that, ‘as one of the tribunals of the country, a jury is expected to be governed by law, and the law it should receive from the court.’

The court below assumed, and correctly, that section 1035 of the Revised Statutes did not authorize a jury in a criminal case to find the defendant guilty of a less offense than the one charged, unless the evidence justified them in so doing.. . . . .

* * * * * * * *

Public and private safety alike would be in peril if the principle be established that juries in criminal cases may, of right, disregard the law as expounded to them by the court, and become a law unto themselves. Under such a system, the principal function of the judge would be to preside and keep order while jurymen, untrained in the law, would determine questions affecting life, liberty, or property according to such legal principles as, in their judgment, were applicable to the particular case being tried. If because, generally speaking, it is the function of the jury to determine the guilt or innocence of the accused according to the evidence, of the truth or weight of which they are to judge, the court should be held bound to instruct them upon a point in respect to which there was no evidence whatever, or to forbear stating what the law is upon a given state of facts, the result would be that the enforcement of the law against criminals, and the protection of citizens against unjust and groundless prosecutions, would depend entirely upon juries uncontrolled by any settled, fixed, legal principles. And if it be true that a jury in a criminal case are under no legal obligation to take the law from the court, and may determine for themselves what the law is, it necessarily results that counsel for the accused may, of right, in the presence of both court and jury, contend that what the court declares to be the law applicable to the case in hand is not the law, and, in support of his contention, read to the jury the reports of adjudged cases, and the views of elementary writers. Undoubtedly, in some jurisdictions, where juries in criminal cases have the right, in virtue of constitutional or statutory provisions, to decide both law and facts upon their own judgment as to what the law is and as to what the facts are, it may be the privilege of counsel to read and discuss adjudged cases before the jury. And in a few jurisdictions, in which it is held that the court alone responds as to the law, that practice is allowed in deference to long usage. But upon principle, where the matter is not controlled by express constitutional or statutory provisions, it cannot be regarded as the right of counsel to dispute before the jury the law as declared by the court. Under the contrary view—if it be held that the court may not authoritatively decide all questions of law arising in criminal cases—the result will be that when a new trial in a criminal case is ordered, even by this court, the jury, upon such trial, may of right return a verdict based upon the assumption that what this court has adjudged to be law is not law. We cannot give our sanction to any rule that will lead to such a result. We must hold firmly to the doctrine that in the courts of the United States it is the duty of juries in criminal cases to take the law from the court, and apply that law to the facts as they find them to be from the evidence. Upon the court rests the responsibility of declaring the law; upon the jury, the responsibility of applying the law so declared to the facts as they, upon their conscience, believe them to be. Under any other system, the courts, although established in order to declare the law, would for every practical purpose be eliminated from our system of government as instrumentalities devised for the protection equally of society and of individuals in their essential rights. When that occurs our government will cease to be a government of laws, and become a government of men. Liberty regulated by law is the underlying principle of our institutions.

To instruct the jury in a criminal case that the defendant cannot properly be convicted of a crime less than that charged, or to refuse to instruct them in respect to the lesser offenses that might, under some circumstances, be included in the one so charged—there being no evidence whatever upon which any verdict could be properly returned except one of guilty or one of not guilty of the particular offense charged—is not error; for the instructing or refusing to instruct, under the circumstances named, rests upon legal principles or presumptions which it is the province of the court to declare for the guidance of the jury. In the case supposed the court is as clearly in the exercise of its legitimate functions as it is when ruling that particular evidence offered is not competent, or that evidence once admitted shall be stricken out and not be considered by the jury, or when it withdraws from the jury all proof of confessions by the accused upon the ground that such confessions, not having been made freely and voluntarily, are inadmissible under the law as evidence against the accused.

These views are sustained by a very great weight of authority in this country. In People v. Barry, 90 Cal. 41, 27 Pac. 62 (which was a criminal prosecution for an assault with intent to commit robbery, the accused having been twice before convicted of petit larceny), it was held not to be error to refuse to instruct the jury that under the charge they might find him guilty of simple assault, because ‘the evidence tended to show that he was guilty of the crime charged or of no offense at all,’ and therefore ‘the instruction asked was not applicable to the facts of the case’; in People v. McNutt, 93 Cal. 658, 29 Pac. 243 (the offense charged being an assault with a deadly weapon and with intent to commit murder), that an instruction that the jury might convict of a simple assault could have been properly refused, because, ‘under the evidence, he *104 was either guilty of an offense more serious than simple assault, or he was not guilty’; in Clark v. Com., 123 Pa. St. 81, 16 Atl. 795 (a case of murder), that the omission of an instruction on the law of voluntary manslaughter, and the power of the jury to find it, was not error, because the murder was deliberate murder, and ‘there was no evidence on which it could be reduced to a milder form of homicide’; in State v. Lane, 64 Mo. 319, 324 (which was an indictment for murder in the first degree), that, ‘if the evidence makes out a case of murder in the first degree, and applies to that kind of killing, and no other, the court would commit no error in confining its instructions to that offense, and refusing to instruct either as to murder in the second degree or manslaughter in any of its various degrees,’ and when an instruction ‘is given for any less grade of offense, and there is no evidence upon which to base it,’ the judgment should be reversed for error; in McCoy v. State, 27 Tex. App. 415, 11 S. W. 454 (the charge being murder of the first degree), that the refusal to charge the law of murder in the second degree was not error, for the reason that, if the defendant was ‘criminally responsible at all for the homicide, the grade of the offense under the facts is not short of murder of the first degree’; in State v. McKinney, 111 N. C. 683, 16 S. E. 235 (a murder case), that, as there was no testimony on either side tending to show manslaughter, a charge that there was no element of manslaughter in the case, and that the defendant was guilty of murder or not guilty of anything at all, as the jury should find the facts, was strictly in accordance with the testimony and the precedents; in State v. Musick, 101 Mo. 261, 270, 14 S. W. 212 (where the charge was an assault with malice aforethought, punishable by confinement in the penitentiary), that an instruction looking to a conviction for a lower grade, included in the offense charged, was proper where there was evidence justifying it; in State v. Casford, 76 Iowa, 332, 41 N. W. 32, that the defendant, so charged in an indictment that he could be convicted of rape, an assault to commit rape, or an assault and battery, was not prejudiced by the omission of the court to instruct the jury that he would be convicted of a simple assault, there being no evidence to authorize a verdict for the latter offense; in Jones v. State, 52 Ark. 346, 12 S. W. 704 (a murder case), that it was not error to refuse to charge as to a lower grade of offense, there being ‘no evidence of any crime less than murder in the first degree,’ and the defendant being, therefore, guilty of ‘murder in the first degree, or innocent’; in McClernand v. Com. (Ky.) 12 S. W. 148, and in O'Brien v. Com., 89 Ky. 354, 12 S. W. 471 (murder cases), that an instruction as to manslaughter need not be given, unless there is evidence to justify it; in State v. Estep, 44 Kan. 575, 24 Pac. 986 (a case of murder of the first degree), that there was no testimony tending to show that the dependant was guilty of manslaughter in either the first, second, or fourth degree, instructions as to those degrees should not have been given; and in Robinson v. State, 84 Ga. 674, 11 S. E. 544 (a case of assault with intent to murder), that the refusal to instruct the jury that the defendant could have been found guilty of an assault, or of assault and battery, was not error, ‘for there was nothing in the evidence to justify the court in so instructing the jury.’

We have said that, with few exceptions, the rules which obtain in civil cases in relation to the authority of the court to instruct the jury upon all matters of law arising upon the issues to be tried, are applicable in the trial of criminal cases. The most important of those exceptions is that it is not competent for the court, in a criminal case, to instruct the jury peremptorily to find the accused guilty of the offense charged, or of any criminal offense less than that charged. The grounds upon which this exception rests were well stated by Judge McCrary, Mr. Justice Miller concurring, in U. S. v. Taylor, 3 McCrary, 500, 505, 11 Fed. 470. It was there said: ‘In a civil case, the court may set aside the verdict, whether it be for the plaintiff or defendant, upon the ground that it is contrary to the law as given by the court; but in a criminal case, if the verdict is one of acquittal, the court has no power to set it aside. It would be a useless form for a court to submit a civil case, involving only questions of law, to the consideration of a jury, where the verdict, when found, if not in accordance with the court's view of the law, would be set aside. The same result is accomplished by an instruction given in advance to find a verdict in accordance with the court's opinion of the law. But not so in criminal cases. A verdict of acquittal cannot be set aside; and therefore, if the court can direct a verdict of guilty, it can do indirectly that which it has on power to do directly.’

We are of opinion that the court below did not err in saying to the jury that they could not, consistently with the law arising from the evidence, find the defendants guilty of manslaughter, or of any offense less than the one charged; that if the defendants were not guilty of the offense charged, the duty of the jury was to return a verdict of not guilty. No instruction was given that questioned the right of the jury to determine whether the witnesses were to be believed or not, nor whether the defendant was guilty or not guilty of the offense charged. On the contrary, the court was careful to say that the jury were the exclusive judges of the facts, and that they were to determine—applying to the facts the principles of law announced by the court—whether the evidence established the guilt or innocence of the defendants of the charge set out in the indictment.

The trial was thus conducted upon the theory that it was the duty of the court to expound the law, and that of the jury to apply the law as thus declared to the facts as ascertained by them. In this separation of the functions of court and jury is found the chief value, as well as safety, of the jury system. Those functions cannot be confounded or disregarded without endangering the stability of public justice, as well as the security of private and personal rights.

The main reason ordinarily assigned for a recognition of the right of the jury, in a criminal case, to take the law into their own hands, and to disregard the directions of the court in matters of law, is that the safety and liberty of the citizen will be thereby more certainly secured. That view was urged upon Mr. Justice Curtis. After stating that, if he conceived the reason assigned to be well founded, he would pause long before denying the existence of the power claimed, he said that a good deal of reflection had convinced him that the argument was the other way. He wisely observed that: ‘As long as the judges of the United States are obliged to express their opinions publicly, to give their reasons for them when called upon in the usual mode, and to stand responsible for them, not only to public opinion, but to a court of impeachment, I can apprehend very little danger of the laws being wrested to purposes of injustice. But, on the other hand, I do consider that this power and corresponding duty of the court authoritatively to declare the law is one of the highest safeguards of the citizen. The sole end of courts of justice is to enforce the laws uniformly and impartially, without respect of persons or times or the opinions of men. To enforce popular laws is easy. But when an unpopular cause is a just cause; when a law, unpopular in some locality, is to be enforced,—there then comes the strain upon the administration of justice; and few unprejudiced men would hesitate as to where that strain would be most firmly borne.’ U. S. v. Morris, 1 Curt. 62, 63, Fed. Cas. No. 15,815.

The questions above referred to are the only ones that need be considered on this writ of error.

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United States Court of Appeals,
Second Circuit.
UNITED STATES of America, Appellant,
v.
George LYNCH and Christopher Moscinski, Defendants-Appellees.
No. 18, Docket 97-1092.
162 F.3d 732
Argued Sept. 10, 1998.Decided Dec. 14, 1998.

JACOBS, Circuit Judge:

The United States appeals from the acquittal following a bench trial in the United States District Court for the Southern District of New York (Sprizzo, J.) of persons charged with criminal contempt under 18 U.S.C. § 401(3) for allegedly violating a permanent injunction that prohibited them from further violations of the Freedom of Access to Clinic Entrances Act (“FACE”), 18 U.S.C. § 248. On appeal, the government argues that the district court erred in holding (i) that a finding of wilfulness was precluded by the sincere religious beliefs that prompted defendants' conduct and (ii) (alternatively) that the court could exercise a prerogative of leniency to acquit even if there were proof of guilt beyond a reasonable doubt. Defendants argue that regardless of any error the district court may have made in arriving at the February 11, 1997 judgment of acquittal, we lack appellate jurisdiction under 18 U.S.C. § 3731 and the Fifth Amendment's Double Jeopardy Clause. Because we conclude that further prosecution would constitute double jeopardy, we dismiss this appeal.

* * * * * * **

(3) Having decided that the aspect of the judgment challenged by the government is in its essential nature factual rather than legal, we must conclude (contrary to the government's third argument) that the Double Jeopardy Clause bars this appeal. We lack jurisdiction over the prosecution's appeal if “the ruling of the judge, whatever its label, actually represents a resolution [in the defendant's favor], correct or not, of some or all of the factual elements of the offense charged.” Scott, 437 U.S. at 97, 98 S.Ct. at 2197 (quoting Martin Linen Supply Co., 430 U.S. at 571, 97 S.Ct. at 1355) (quotation marks omitted). Here, the factual element is wilfulness, and the district court explicitly resolved it in favor of Lynch and Moscinski. See Lynch, 952 F.Supp. at 170. It does not matter that this factual finding was arrived at under the influence of an erroneous view of the law. “[T]he fact that the acquittal may result from ... erroneous interpretations of governing legal principles affects the accuracy of that determination, but it does not alter its essential character.” Scott, 437 U.S. at 98, 98 S.Ct. at 2197 (citation and internal quotation marks omitted); see Smalis v. Pennsylvania, 476 U.S. 140, 144 n. 7, 106 S.Ct. 1745, 1748 n. 7, 90 L.Ed.2d 116 (1986) (“The status of the trial court's judgment as an acquittal is not affected by the ... allegation that the court erred in deciding what degree of recklessness was ... required.”) (internal quotation marks omitted). What is decisive for double jeopardy purposes is that the ruling represents a “judgment ... by the court that the evidence is insufficient to convict.” Scott, 437 U.S. at 91, 98 S.Ct. at 2194; Smalis, 476 U.S. at 144, 106 S.Ct. at 1748 (quoting Scott ). We therefore conclude that we lack jurisdiction to consider this appeal under 18 U.S.C. § 3731 and the Double Jeopardy Clause.

(4) We do not reach the question whether an appellate court reversing an acquittal from a bench trial would have the power to order a trial court to enter a judgment of conviction based solely upon the trial court's prior findings of fact as to the required elements of guilt. Perhaps it can be done, but no court has done it. So far as we can tell, the dissent's statement is the only opinion expressing a willingness to do so.

* * * * * *

CONCLUSION
We lack appellate jurisdiction, and dismiss the appeal.


SACK, Circuit Judge (concurring):

I concur in the opinion of the Court and accept its reasoning. I am convinced that we are forbidden to hear the substantive issues that the government seeks to appeal. Because of their importance, however, I write separately to offer some additional observations as to why I think we cannot hear them. Under the Criminal Appeals Act of 1970, read in the light of the history and purpose of the Fifth Amendment's Double Jeopardy Clause, we must decline the government's invitation, in effect, to retry the defendants in this Court on the record and opinion below.

* * * * * * * * * *

If we were to examine the record below, including the stipulation on which the court's judgment was based, together with the opinion of the court containing its explanation for its findings of fact, as the dissent does, we might come to a conclusion different from the district court's, for reasons spelled out in the dissent. But that is precisely what the Double Jeopardy Clause forbids us to do. Having been acquitted by the trial court, the defendants can never be tried again for the same offense. And that principle holds irrespective of whether the prohibited second trial would be held anew in the district court or by this Court on the record created below. “The court of first instance, having jurisdiction to try the question of the guilt or innocence of the accused, found [Lynch and Moscinski] not guilty; to try [them] again upon the merits, even in an appellate court, is to put [them] a second time in jeopardy for the same offense.” Kepner v. United States, 195 U.S. 100, 133, 24 S.Ct. 797, 49 L.Ed. 114 (1904).

Between July 1971, the year after the Criminal Appeals Act was passed, and June 1997, the last year for which statistics are available, there were 42,565 criminal bench trials in the federal district courts, 11,488 of them ending in acquittal. 1972-1997 Admin. Off. U.S. Cts. Ann. Rep. Table D-7. We may assume, I think, that inasmuch as judges are human and the trial process imperfect, some of the acquittals resulted in the guilty going free. Yet not a single one of those acquittals appears to have been overturned on appeal.

That is as it should be. If and when there is a wrongful acquittal, the remedy, if remedy there be, rarely if ever lies on appeal. There is a price, but it is one carefully exacted by the Fifth Amendment.

FEINBERG, Circuit Judge (dissenting):

I respectfully dissent. In my view, the district judge found all of the facts necessary to convict defendants Bishop George Lynch and Christopher Moscinski (also known as Brother Fidelis) of criminal contempt under the correct legal standard, and found them not guilty based solely on legal error. As a result, the Double Jeopardy Clause does not bar the government's appeal because no further factual proceedings would be required on remand in order to establish Lynch and Moscinski's guilt. I would thus allow the appeal. Reaching the merits, I would vacate the district court's judgment and remand the case to the district court for entry of a judgement of conviction.

* * * * * * * *

The district court similarly erred by claiming for the federal judiciary the power to exercise a so-called “prerogative of leniency” that would allow a judge who sits as a factfinder to acquit a defendant in the face of apparent guilt. At a pre-trial conference, the judge discussed with counsel whether Lynch and Moscinski were entitled to a jury. He stated:

    [A] jury is different than a judge.... [Y]ou could try this contempt to a jury and it could be plain as day that your clients are guilty, but the jury can nullify it. The jury has the power to nullify. They may choose not to convict.... A judge can't do that; a jury can. I guess a judge can do it too if he is sitting as a trier of the fact[s]. In a criminal case the Court of Appeals doesn't have the power to review anything I do on a clearly erroneous standard or otherwise in a criminal case.

In his opinion, the judge did rely on a jury's power to nullify the law as an alternative basis for acquitting Lynch and Moscinski. The judge stated that he could find “no authority ... that the Court, when it sits as a fact-finder, does not have the same prerogative of leniency” as that of a jury. 952 F.Supp. at 171.

The authority against this claimed prerogative, however, is clear. It is settled that “it is the duty of juries in criminal cases to take the law from the court and apply that law to the facts as they find them to be from the evidence.” Sparf v. United States, 156 U.S. 51, 102, 15 S.Ct. 273, 39 L.Ed. 343 (1895). Furthermore, a jury may not lawfully reject stipulated facts. See United States v. Mason, 85 F.3d 471, 473 (10th Cir.1996). Indeed, the Supreme Court has characterized the practice of jury nullification as the “assumption of a power” which a jury has “no right to exercise,” Dunn v. United States, 284 U.S. 390, 393, 52 S.Ct. 189, 76 L.Ed. 356 (1932), and as “the unreviewable power of a jury to return a verdict of not guilty for impermissible reasons.” United States v. Powell, 469 U.S. 57, 63, 105 S.Ct. 471, 83 L.Ed.2d 461 (1984). Four months after the district court's opinion in this case, this court forcefully restated these principles in United States v. Thomas, 116 F.3d 606, 614-18 (2d Cir.1997). In Thomas, we “categorically” rejected “the idea that, in a society committed to the rule of law, jury nullification is desirable or that courts may permit it to occur when it is within their authority to prevent.” Id. at 614. In his thorough opinion for the court, Judge Cabranes recognized “that nullification may at times manifest itself as a form of civil disobedience that some may regard as tolerable,” id., but pointed out, in language originally employed by Learned Hand, that “the power of juries to ‘nullify’ or exercise a power of lenity is just that-a power; it is by no means a right....” Id. at 615.

Further, in United States v. Maybury, 274 F.2d 899 (2d Cir.1960), Judge Friendly noted that “the historic position of the jury affords ample ground for tolerating the jury's assumption of the power to insure lenity.” But he immediately went on to say that the judge does not have that power, because “the judge is hardly the voice of the community” even when he sits as factfinder. Id. at 903. Structurally, judicial nullification violates the separation of powers, for “so long as Congress acts within its constitutional power in enacting a criminal statute, [courts] must give effect to Congress' expressed intention concerning the scope of conduct prohibited.” United States v. Kozminski, 487 U.S. 931, 939, 108 S.Ct. 2751, 101 L.Ed.2d 788 (1988). By refusing to enforce a valid criminal statute, a judge acts as a quasi-legislator and usurps the Article I functions of Congress. See Whalen v. United States, 445 U.S. 684, 689, 100 S.Ct. 1432, 63 L.Ed.2d 715 (1980).

Additionally, the exercise of nullification by a federal judge-even when termed a “prerogative of leniency”-may create an appearance of injustice that cannot be tolerated by a legal system that strives to resolve cases in a reliable, consistent and objective manner. The arbitrariness of a power that would allow an Article III judge to acquit otherwise guilty defendants if and when the judge sees fit to do so simply cannot be reconciled with the Supreme Court's admonition that “to perform its high function in the best way ‘justice must satisfy the appearance of justice.’ ” In re Murchison, 349 U.S. 133, 136, 75 S.Ct. 623, 99 L.Ed. 942 (1955) (citation omitted); see also Maybury, 274 F.2d at 903 (2d Cir.1960) (allowing a judge to nullify would not “enhance respect for law or for the courts”).

IV. Conclusion

Because I conclude that the government may bring this appeal and that the verdict of not guilty was the result of gross legal error on the part of the district court, I would vacate the judgment of acquittal and remand to the district court for entry of a judgment of conviction.

__________

Note on Jury Nullification in Civil Actions

            In federal Courts, and in many states, the judge has a greater authority to take matters from a  jury in civil trials. Yet this has required some subtle interpretive leaps by the courts and the construction of language in the Federal Rules of Procedure that produce a procedural fiction of sorts to achieve this result.

            We start with the 7thAmendment to the U.C. Constitution which guarantees the right to trial by jury in civil cases where the value in controversy exceeds $20.00.   It also provides that no fact tried by a jury can be re-examined by the court except according to the rules of common law.  This language has been the subject of substantial interpretive flexibility, the details of which are usually examined in courts of civil procedure, federal courts, and constitutional law.  That interpretive flexibility has been used by the courts to regulate the breadth of the right to a jury trial (by controlling the meaning of the words “In Suits at Common law”) and by interpreting the extent of the “no review” constraints on jury fact finding. In Galloway v. United States, 319 U.S. 372 (1943) a majority of the Supreme Court noted that the 7thAmendment “did not bind the federal courts to the exact procedural incidents or details of jury trial according to the common law in 1791, any more than it tied them to the common law system of pleading, or the specific rules of evidence then prevailing.”  It dismissed the argument that a court in a civil matter was without power to prevent factual issues from going to a jury in the following terms:

If the intention is to claim generally that the Amendment deprives the federal courts of power to direct a verdict for insufficiency of evidence, the short answer is the contention has been foreclosed by repeated decisions made here consistently for nearly a century.  More recently the practice has been approved explicitly in the promulgation of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure. Cf. Rule 50.[6]  The objection, therefore comes too late.

Notice the importance of unchallenged past practice in the court’s analysis of the issue.  Tradition and past unchallenged practice will play an important role in the way the legal system of the United States is interpreted and applied.  We will return to this in later chapters. Fed. R. Civ. Proc. 50 now provides:

(a) Judgment as a Matter of Law. 1) In General. If a party has been fully heard on an issue during a jury trial and the court finds that a reasonable jury would not have a legally sufficient evidentiary basis to find for the party on that issue, the court may: (A) resolve the issue against the party; and (B) grant a motion for judgment as a matter of law against the party on a claim or defense that, under the controlling law, can be maintained or defeated only with a favorable finding on that issue.

            The Federal Rules of Civil Procedure now include several methods for avoiding a jury in a civil action, even where the right to a jury trial is preserved under the 7th Amendment. These include motions for summary judgment (Fed. R. Civ. Proc. 56);[7] motion for new trial (Fed. R. Civ. Proc. 59);[8]motion for directed verdict or judgment as a matter of law  (Fed. R. Civ. Proc. 50(a)); and motion for a judgment notwithstanding the verdict (Fed. R. Civ. Proc. 50(b)-(c)).[9]  Moreover the assertion of the right to a trial by jury is also managed (Fed. R. Civ. Proc. 38-39), which requires parties generally to demand a jury trial or waive the right (Fed. R. Civ. Proc. 38(d)), though the court might on motion order a jury trial where one might have been demanded (Fed. R. Civ. Proc. 39(b)). 

            Most of these actions are permitted to be taken before a case is submitted to the jury for decision. Directed verdicts in particular, permitted a court to avoid submitting a case to a jury on the grounds that there was no issue of fact for the jury to determine.  That served as a basis for both preserving the right to a jury trail to find facts, but also to enhance the power of the court to avoid jury nullification by avoiding the obligation to send a case to a jury where the factual issues (as determined by the courts) did not rise to a level where a jury determination was necessary. Two are not.  The motion for new trial had been the way in which courts had traditionally avoided a jury verdict that appeared to go against facts and law.  It had the benefit of avoiding jury nullification of law, but it also required a retrial.  The motion notwithstanding a verdict (originally non-obstante veredicto) had a less positive history. The motion for judgment notwithstanding the verdict was deemed unconstitutional early in the 20th century.  Slocum v. New York Insurance Co., 228 U.S. 364 (1913).  But legislatures and courts quickly found a way to work around this decision to provide the courts with this power functionally without overstepping formal constraints on the jury trial prerogative. That involved the incorporation of a legal fiction of sorts, or a procedural device: judges could reserve decision on a motion for directed verdict until after a jury rendered its verdict.  Baltimore & Carolina Line, Inc., Redman, 295 U.S. 654 (1935).[10]  This approach was then incorporated into the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure with the addition of a presumption (some call it a legal fiction) that where a directed verdict is sought after close of all the evidence (whether it is denied or not granted) the court is deemed to have reserved decision on the motion until after the jury verdict is rendered. (Fed. R. Civ. Proc. 52(b)).


[1]For one well known perspective, see Friedrich August Hayek, Law, Legislation and Liberty: A new statement of the liberal principles of justice and political economy(Routledge Classics, 2012) (originally published 1973).
[2]See, e.g., Jerold S. Auerbach, Justice Without law? (Galaxy Books, Oxford University Press, 1984).
[4]This by the Edict of Thessalonica or Cunctos populos jointly issued by Theodosius I, Gratian, and Valentinian II on 27 February 380 (Codex Theodosianus, xvi.1.2). 
[5]Well described in Ernst H. Kantorowicz, The King's Two Bodies: A Study in Mediaeval Political Theology (Princeton University Press, 1998)(originally published 1957).
[6] NOTE: The Federal Rules of Civil Procedure may be accessed electronically (as of December 1, 2013) here: http://www.uscourts.gov/uscourts/rules/civil-procedure.pdf. The site is periodically updated.
[7]Fed. R. Civ. Proc.  56(a)  provides in relevant part: “A party may move for summary judgment, identifying each claim or defense—or the part of each claim or defense—on which summary judgment is sought. The court shall grant summary judgment if the movant shows that there is no genuine dispute as to any material fact and the movant is entitled to judgment as a matter of law. The court should state on the record the reasons for granting or denying the motion.”
[8]Fed. R. Civ. Proc. 50(a) provides: “The court may, on motion, grant a new trial on all or some of the issues—and to any party—as follows: (A) after a jury trial, for any reason for which a new trial has heretofore been granted in an action at law in federal court; or (B) after a nonjury trial, for any reason for which a rehearing has heretofore been granted in a suit in equity in federal court.”
[9]Fed. R. Civ. Proc. 50(b) provides in part: “f the court does not grant a motion for judgment as a matter of law made under Rule 50(a), the court is considered to have submitted the action to the jury subject to the court’s later deciding the legal questions raised by the motion. No later than 28 days after the entry of judgment—or if the motion addresses a jury issue not decided by a verdict, no later than 28 days after the jury was discharged—the movant may file a renewed motion for judgment as a matter of law and may include an alternative or joint request for a new trial under Rule 59. In ruling on the renewed motion, the court may: (1) allow judgment on the verdict, if the jury returned a verdict; (2) order a new trial; or (3) direct the entry of judgment as a matter of law.”
[10]The decision also emphasized the acquiescence through practice and tradition arguments: “Fragmentary references to the origin and basis of the practice indicate that it came to be supported on the theory that it gave better opportunity for considered rulings, made new trials less frequent, and commanded such general approval that parties litigant assented to its application as a matter of course. But, whatever may have been its origin or theoretical basis, it undoubtedly was well established when the Seventh Amendment was adopted, and therefore must be regarded as a part of the common-law rules to which resort must be had in testing and measuring the right of trial by jury as preserved and protected by that amendment.” Baltimore & Carolina Line, Inc., Redman, 295 U.S. 654, 660 (1935)
 

The Trouble with the Institutions of International Human Rights--Dissonance and Incoherence Between States and the International Organizations that Serve Them

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One of the most interesting elements of the elaboration of an international legal architecture for the management of relations among states and for the constraints on the conduct of states within their own borders has been the dissonance between what a number of states believe they are creating and what the inhabitants of the international organizations created believe. Some states believe that they have created an instrument in international organizations that may be used in the course of inter governmental relations unconstrained by the legalisms that affect a state's behavior within their borders. Others believe that they have created a system of governance (some might call it law--and it may be so when such states have the power to force these rules on other states). Most interesting perhaps is the view from within the international bodies themselves.




(Pix (c) Larry Catá Backer 2014)


A recent speech given by Navi Pillay, the outgoing High Commissioner for Human Rights nicely frames the contradictions and constrains of the architecture for international peace and security that is the product of the premises of framework for organizing the community of states from a global community just emerging from the last global war in 1945, a community that has for all practical purposes now passed onto history. As described in the press release announcing the speech (which is quite short as far as these things go) it was noted that
Briefing a Security Council open debate on international peace and security, the High Commissioner listed examples where OHCHR's work has helped prevent, de-escalate and resolve crises. She noted that the scrutiny of Special Procedures and Treaty Bodies contributes to early warning of the human rights grievances that are the underlying causes of conflict. And yet, she said, despite increasing interest by the Security Council in human rights over the course of her tenure, "There has not always been a firm and principled decision by Members to put an end to crises. Short-term geopolitical considerations and national interest, narrowly defined, have repeatedly taken precedence over intolerable human suffering and grave breaches of - and long-term threats to - international peace and security. I firmly believe that greater responsiveness by this Council would have saved hundreds of thousands of lives."
Full text of the speech HERE.  The speech is particularly useful for illustrating the quite specific self conception of the role of international organizations and the frustration that results when these self conceptions bump up against the realities of the more traditional and conventional thinking of its stakeholders.

My object in this post to to provide a gloss on that speech.  Both the text of the speech and my gloss [in brackets] follow:


Security Council Open Debate on Maintenance of International Peace and Security

Mr. President
Distinguished members of the Council,

Thank you for this opportunity to interact with the Security Council a few days before the end of my term.

Conflict prevention is complex, but it can be achieved. In many States, democratic institutions de-escalate disputes long before they reach boiling point. Even after violence has broken out, international actors can help broker and enforce peace. In my own country, South Africa, the United Nations helped end 300 years of injustice when it declared apartheid a crime against humanity and imposed sanctions; and democratic institutions were installed to resolve future disputes. [Two points here worth mentioning.  The first is that the relationship between itself and democratic institutions has been problematic at best.  The issue of the legitimacy of democratic institutions and the range of its form continues to evade the OHCHR and the concept itself has been used more as an instrument for the advancement of state policy than for  much of anything else.  The only thing that appears clear at the international level is that these organs like to see the masses vote. And indeed, one need only recall the current situation in Libya to understands that "democracy" can be as much the cause of instability as its solution.  The problem is not "democracy" or democratic values" the problem is that at the international level these remain somewhat empty (or malleable) concepts. Second, and more important, is way in which the mythologizing of the singular (and perhaps unique) situation that produced a transition from apartheid South Africa to its current regime, and the universalization of the "lessons" of that experience, like the more ancient cluster of "lessons" produced by the close of the Second World War, can be as much an impediment as a positive force for engaging with evolving contemporary global norms and issues.  There are lots of lessons to be drawn from transition in South Africa--one of them is that those lessons can be modulated and distorted to advance state interests, or the interests of factions of civil society and the international community, today. The other is that it can be used as an epithet to shut down discourse  where it is used instrumentally to de legitimate states (for example Israel)].

In Nepal, following almost a decade of armed conflict, my Office's efforts included, deployment of both short- and long-term strategies. They included support for Constituent Assembly elections; and capacity-building for police, civil society, and important government initiatives such as addressing caste based discrimination. [This was indeed a great success of the OHCHR and ought to be lauded for its effects.  But it is harder to extrapolate from this success onto other contexts.  And it is even harder, as in the case of South Africa, to distill universal lessons that might be mindlessly applied merely through the expedient of invocation of a historical success.  Having said that, however, it is important to make the effort the OHCHR attempts here--the difficulty comes not from seeking to draw lessons, but from attempting to extend them beyond their limits.  Such excess extension produces the distortions and lack of clear analysis that sometimes plague policy choices in different contexts].

Following the 2007 massacres in Guinea – a country at high risk of violence and civil war – OHCHR's work demonstrated the criticality of early engagement, notably in building civil society’s capacity to investigate and document human rights violations. There was coherent action by national, regional and international actors; and this Council established a Commission of Inquiry. Today OHCHR’s country office continues to support stronger institutions, transitional justice and reconciliation. [The OHCHR here makes an excellent point and one well worth transposing into other situations.  Engagement is the key to success.  But engagement that is methodologically rigid, or advanced through formulaic application of "insights" from prior work, may ensure the opposite of success.  Here engagement was indeed crucial; but it does not necessarily follow that engagement to build civil society is invariably the appropriate approach.  Here against the ghosts of South African successes may be useful but ought not to blind one to the importance of context. And indeed, civil peace may have been ought in this case at a high price--corruption and the transfer of effective control of rich natural resources to other states and the enterprises they might control].

None of these crises erupted without warning. They built up over years – and sometimes decades – of human rights grievances: deficient or corrupt governance and judicial institutions; discrimination and exclusion; inequities in development; exploitation and denial of economic and social rights; and repression of civil society and public freedoms. [The OHCHR produces a worthy vision of premises and quite rightly notes that social and political explosions do not occur without years of preparation.  Yet years of efforts to bring greater transparency on thise points is limited both by political contests about the meaning of the terms and the difficulty of inter governmental organizations ot free themselves from the interests of states in the development of the meaning of these terms and their application in context].

The Council’s interest in human rights has increased markedly during my tenure. But despite repeated briefings regarding escalating violations in multiple crises – by OHCHR and other human rights mechanisms – there has not always been a firm and principled decision by Members to put an end to crises. Short-term geopolitical considerations and national interest, narrowly defined, have repeatedly taken precedence over intolerable human suffering and grave breaches of – and long-term threats to – international peace and security. I firmly believe that greater responsiveness by this Council would have saved hundreds of thousands of lives. [The observation is true enough; yet it lies at the center of the system which gave birth to the OHCHR and the HR Council. What is lamented is not impediments but structural constraints on the operation of an inter governmental organization that sees itself as autonomous of its creators but which is seen in instrumental terms by its creators.  Indeed, in the absence of the constitutionalization of the United Nations system, and a confirmation of the autonomy and power of that system as against its creators, it is hard to understand (from the perspective of states) not grounding state behavior in narrow self interest even in the face of "intolerable human suffering"; indeed the essence  of inter governmentalism is to measure national tolerance for suffering by metrics that appear quite distinct from those implied by the OHCHR].

Recommendations

State sovereignty is often invoked to deflect UN action to prevent serious human rights violations. But as I have often said to the representatives of Governments, "You made the law; now you must observe it". Sovereign states established the UN, and built the international human rights framework, precisely because they knew that human rights violations cause conflict and undermine sovereignty. Early UN action to address human rights protects States, by warding off the threat of devastating violence. [The OHCHR understands the constraints on her power to deploy the institutions subject to her leadership, but controlled directly by a cluster of state stakeholders, as sourced in the hierarchical relationship between her office and states.  Or, better put, she understands that her office is largely constrained by the power that created it and the architecture of U.N. based human rights mechanisms.  And that brings up both the essence of the complaint lodged in this paragraph and its essential tension with the realities of the structures of international law which are quite distinct from that suggested by the OHCHR.  It is true enough that, as a matter of social norm, states may have made "law" and ought to "observe" it; but as a matter of legal norm, that is hardly the case. States may bind themselves, wholly or partially, to instruments that they retain the power to impose on themselves.  There are a few norms that may be imposed on otherwise unwilling states because of the power of custom and its license to act (e.g. jus cogens) or where a powerful coalition of states imposes its view on a matter and projects its power on the unwilling (as is likely to happen in the case of the resolution of the Jewish problem posed by Israel in the minds of many of the states that would see this disappear to their liking). But such obligations may bind states--as states--they do not invariably bind the state as a to its domestic legal order and thus may have no deep effects among those non-state actors that may fall within the control of such states. As such, the OHCHR's declaration is more a hope, a social imperative, than a legal imperative.  Well aware of this, she reminds her audience of the tensions that this quite distinct view of international "law" causes frustration in the ability of an international organization that (at least at some level) is seeking to operate autonomously of and with respect to its law making in a position superior to, the state].

This Council can take a number of innovative approaches to prevent threats to international peace and security. Within Rights Up Front, the Secretary-General can be even more proactive in alerting to potential crises, including situations that are not formally on the Council’s agenda. To further strengthen early warning, the Council could also ask for more regular and comprehensive human rights reporting by protection actors; for example my successor as the High Commissioner could provide an informal monthly briefing. [Retreating from the disjunction unmasked int he prior paragraph, the OHCHR does offer the sort of practical steps that may be the only ones available.  And indeed, transparency is likely the most powerful tool in the OHCHR arsenal, one that is sadly underused especially in relationship with civil society actors.  On that score, of course, it has become clearer that members of the Human Rights Council are more actively seeking to manage and control information and participation by non state actors than at anytime in recent memory. Thus the focus on the Security Council's role masks the growing difficulties of strengthening early warning within the architecture of the OHCHR itself].

The work done by Commissions of Inquiry to establish clarity, and prepare accountability, should be followed by implementation by this Council of many more of their recommendations for follow-up. And I trust that in the future they too will benefit from regular, official channels of communications to this Council. [Whiel the work of these commissions, of course, have been laudable and produced a measure of openness that has not existed before, there is still much work to be done to effectively distance this commissions from the "Short-term geopolitical considerations and national interest, narrowly defined" that the OHCHR leveled earlier as a basic critique of state involvement. And indeed, the transposition of such interests within human rights mechanisms continues to inhibit the work of these commissions.  A great stride forward in that respect will be attained when the OHCHR does not appear to work backwards from a desired outcome in the appointment of members to such commissions and in the development of the charges given thereto. This is far more difficult to accomplish than to state. And the task is made more difficult when such mechanisms are constructed in the wake of quite pointed and judgmental statements about the effects of the situations ot be studied that sometimes form from the OHCHR. But this points to a more fundamental problem with the structure of the OHCHR and its Human Rights Council--it is hard to exercise quasi judicial functions when one simultaneously engages in advocacy and executive functions directed by some of the parties that may be the subject of the inquiry or their allies. Yet it is in the judicialization of many of these mechanisms that the legitimacy of the work of the OHCHR can be enhanced.  The issue of judicialization and the character of the fact finding work of the OHCHR remains one of the great frontiers of that office.].

Finally, the Council could adopt a standing consensus on a menu of possible new responses to such alerts violations, such as rapid, flexible and resource-efficient human rights monitoring missions, limited in time and scope. Another innovative option could build on the new Arms Trade Treaty, which requires arms exporters and importers to confirm that weapons will not be used to commit violations. States Parties could agree that where there are concerns about human rights in States that purchase arms, one condition of sale would be that they accept a small human rights monitoring team, with deployment funded by the Treaty's Trust Fund. [That failure of its judicialization function, of course, affects the possibilities outlined in this paragraph, a paragraph that includes quite sensible suggestions to enhance the work of the OHCHR. And sadly, the suggestions must be made without reference to the short term and narrow interests of the Human Rights Council and its administrative structures, if they are to acquire the long term legitimacy that is a foundation of any movement toward autonomy and authority of these institutions.].

Thank you. It has been an honour to serve the United Nations.


Corporate Transparency--A Report of the View of Sustainability Experts

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(Pix (c) Larry Catá Backer 2014)

GlobeScan/SustainAbility publishes about five reports a year that analyze expert perspectives on a range of business and sustainability topics. On 25 August 2014 GlobalScan/SustainAbility released its  - Findings from a new GlobeScan/SustainAbility Survey of industry experts on corporate transparency and specifically on how transparency drives performance. Their press release notes
Sustainability experts often point to stakeholder engagement and enhanced reputation as some of the benefits of corporate transparency. This survey reveals that corporate transparency brings even more value to companies. Seventy-nine percent of survey respondents indicated that corporate transparency positively impacts a company’s sustainability performance. While there are barriers to transparency driving change within companies, there are a number of transparency practices that can help better guide decision making and work towards sustainable change.
SustainAbility was  founded in 1987.  They describe themselves as evolving "alongside the broader sustainability agenda and helped to define and shape the unique role of business within it.  On issues from consumption, transparency, stakeholder engagement and strategy to innovation and transformation, we've helped hundreds of clients and partners better understand and create business and societal value in response to global challenges." 

Globalscan describes itself thus: "for twenty-five years, GlobeScan has helped clients measure, understand and build valuable relationships with their stakeholders, and to work collaboratively in delivering a sustainable and equitable future. Uniquely placed at the nexus of reputation, brand and sustainability, GlobeScan partners with clients to build trust, drive engagement and inspire innovation within, around and beyond their organizations."

This post includes some of the findings from the report.  They are interesting and their consequences are worth thinking about.



The Introduction explains:

Sustainability experts often point to stakeholder engagement and enhanced reputation as some of the benefits of corporate transparency. This survey reveals that corporate transparency brings even more value to companies. Seventy-nine percent of survey respondents indicated that corporate transparency positively impacts a company’s sustainability performance. While there are barriers to transparency driving change within companies, there are a number of transparency practices

that can help better guide decision making and work towards sustainable change.

SustainAbility is producing an in-depth report that explores the role of transparency in driving performance and will use the Globescan/SustainAbility 2014 Transparency Survey results to inform the analysis. We will make this report available to survey participants in December 2014.

The Report also notes that "Out of 13 choices, mandatory non-financial reporting requirements and increased demand among investors for integrated reporting are the two most cited potential solutions to further enable transparency to bring about greater progress toward sustainability within companies." (Report p. 5).

The greatest barrier to transparency included poor data accuracy and failure to focus on material issues.  (Ibid., 7).  This certainly mirrors the sense that absent the construction of a uniform, predictable and accepted set of reporting standards, including generally accepted principles for the harvesting and reporting of data--the efforts at sustainability reporting remain more gesture than useful. 

No surprises here. In a world that is dominated by cultures of financial reporting, where the structures and practices of financial reporting represent both the privileges set of normative values about corporate governance and operation; where that reporting essentially provides the means through which such economic aggregations are incarnated; where the methodologies of reporting set the standard for the authority of the subject reported, it seems only logical that until sustainability reporting, in whatever form embraced, adopts the cultural patterns and practices of financial accounting and the reporting that proceeds from it, it will remain nothing more than an aspiration, bereft of anything but the structures of gestures and the failures of good intent without a system to make it real.

Chapter 4 (Law Articulated by the Courts--Equity): From "Elements of Law" to "Introduction to the Law and Legal System of the United States"--Building an Introductory Course to the Legal Curriculum for the 21st Century

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(Pix (c) Larry Catá Backer 2014)

Since 2010, I have been posting on the development of a new course I have been developing for our first year law school students, "Elements of Law." The course originally had a quite modest objective--to introduce law students to legal research and reasoning through case law, statutory interpretation, and legal history, processes, and institutions. I chose to broaden its objectives within these specific parameters and development a framing and concepts course that would provide a deep foundation to law students on the legal system they were undertaking to study.
Grounded in the principles of the sociology of law, the course has morphed into an effort to introduce students to law as a self-referencing system with its own particular structures, premises, constraints and language, with its own logic and taboos and its own means of understanding the world. That systemicity (cf. Peter Checkland, Systems Thinking, Systems Practice, Chichester : John Wiley and Sons Ltd, 1999) is then a critical element in the way in which the legal system (in this case of the United States) interacts with the world, both as a legal and as a socio-economic-political actor. The course has also expanded from its original narrow and technical focus, to a broader focus on principles and the use of language and logic to build and operate a system of law. That broadening has made it possible to offer the course not just to first year law students, but also to graduate students in the social sciences and in international affairs, as a grounding in the legal systems that are important in their respective fields.

This post produces some of the materials I will be presenting to the class. I offer these materials in hopes that they may prove of use and that you might share comments, perspectives and suggestions as I develop those materials on this site. Thanks.

This post includes a draft of Chapter 4 (Law Articulated by the Courts--Equity).


 
Law Articulated by Courts: Equity


I. Introduction

            We have been considering law articulated by courts.  Our focus has been on common law. But common law does not define the entire universe of “judge administered” law in the United States.[1]This chapter, provides a brief introduction to the other manifestation of judge administered law--equity.  Like common law, it has both a procedural and a substantive element. We begin with a short description of equity in its application n the United States.  The chapter starts with a brief review of the history of equity and its role in the administration of law in the United States. The bulk of the chapter is taken up with a consideration of the most important features of equity that affect the legal system of the United States.  We start with an example of the substantive norms of equity (fiduciary duty).  We then consider equitable remedies (injunction).  We end with a consideration of some important equitable process rules that represent the embedding of social values in resolving private disputes (dirty hands doctrine) and that articulate policy choices about social peace (laches).    


II. Chapter Readings

·      Hon. Mr. Justice P.W. Young, “Equity,”[2] The New South Wales Bar Association (August 2007).
·      Kristin A. Collins, “A Considerable Surgical Operation”: Article III, Equity, and Judge-Made Law in the Federal Courts, Duke Law Journal 60(2):249-343 (2010). Read pages 249-71.


     
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Questions.

1.  In comparing the two readings what differences in approaches can one discern between that of equity as practiced outside the United States (in Australia) and in the United States.

2.  If the United States has effectively blended common law and equity into one amalgamated system of judge administered law, to what extent are the differences still important?  Consider this question further as you read the materials that follow.

3.  In dissent in Petrella v. Metro-Goldwyn Mayer, No. 12-1315 (slip op., May 19, 2014), Justice Breyer declared: “Legal systems contain doctrines that help courts avoid the unfairness that might arise were legal rules to apply strictly to every case no matter how unusual the circumstances. “[T]he nature of the equitable,” Aristotle long ago observed, is “a correction of law where it is defective owing to its universality.” Nicomachean Ethics 99 (D. Ross transl. L. Brown ed. 2009).” (Slip op. at 1 Breyer, J., dissenting). To what extent do the doctrines of equity serve the same ends as jury nullification, discussed in Chapter 2?  Does equity serve the role of bringing the formal structures of law closer to notions of justice?  Petrellais considered in more detail below.


III. Law Articulated by Courts: Equity

            We have been considering the origins and structures of the Common Law in the United States. We have come to understand common law as a construct with three distinct meanings—the writ system overseen by courts, the practices of law development through judicial precedent (and the culture of that practice), and the socio-cultural legal system grounded in custom and courts that distinguishes that system from those of other states. We have considered how it grew as a complex interplay between the institution of the royal courts, the chancery, and customary norms transformed into a basis for a legal system applied by the courts.  But we have also seen that the common law, incarnated as a legal system through the writs that served as a basis for judicial jurisdiction over specific disputes defined therein, stopped its development before the end of the 13thcentury. We have also seen how the remedial universe of common law was also restricted to damages as compensation for harm done.

            We have also come to understand that the closure of the common law was not merely a product of natural evolution, but was a political one as well. The common law system of writs, developed through the chancery, taken to its limit, would have been used to construct a system of law that would have been wholly extrinsic to the machinery of state. It would also have suggested the supremacy of popular expectation in ways that might make legislative authority irrelevant. That was not to be. Balanced against and ultimately constraining common law (popular custom as a source of law) was both the administrative apparatus of the state (the Crown) and the legislative apparatus of the government (Parliament). The incarnation of the people of England (represented as was customary for the time by its classes―king, lords temporal and spiritual, and commons) would have viewed an unconstrained common law as constraining its ability to “make” law, that is to use the power of commanding behavior instrumentally. That was a legitimate power (recall the Institute’s notion of direct and representational consent to governance power in senate and imperial authority). Efforts from the 13th century Provisions of Oxford were meant to restrict the rise of novel writs without the consent of a Crown Council and thereafter Parliament. That practice, of course, set a pattern that is much followed in contemporary times. Common law has been “frozen” and the power to recognize new rights and obligations increasingly transferred to the apparatus of government, usually but not always its legislature. The move, then, is from popular lawmaking reflecting the customs and traditions of the people, as they might evolve, but with respect to which government played no active role, to an more instrumental premise of law grounded in the centrality of the state apparatus to the construction of law (not merely to its recognition and application through its courts). That profound change starting in the 14th century marks the character and premises of modern “law” in the United States.

            But where one door closes, another appears ready to open. This was certainly the case with common law. Just as the writ system and the power to recognize from custom and practice novel actions was closing, the Crown chancery found another way to assert law making power―through the power to do “equity”, that is to assert the administrative authority of the Crown to ensure that “right” was done―from which sprang both administrative law and the equitable power of the Crown chancery to intervene where a subject could otherwise not receive “justice”. (There is that word again. . . . think Institutes). Bracton suggests the connection between common law, equity and the foundational notions of the legitimacy of law in justice. He tell us that

Equity is the bringing together of things, that which desires like right in like cases and puts all like things on an equality. Equity is, so to speak, uniformity, and turns upon matters of fact, that is, the words and acts of men. Justice, [on the other hand], lies in the minds of the just. Hence it is that if we wish to speak properly we will call a judgment equitable, not just, and a man just, not equitable. But using these terms improperly, we call the man equitable and the judgment just. Jurisprudence therefore differs in many ways from justice. For jurisprudence discerns, justice awards to each his due. Justice is a virtue, jurisprudence a science. Justice is a certain summum bonum; jurisprudence a medium.[37]

Through the 14th century, law was equitable (in the modern sense) as the chancery developed and issued writs and applied new remedies as needed. After the 14th century equity began to develop autonomously, as another product of the English chancery.  It was a response to the closure of the common law that produced an additional means of rendering justice. But like common law, it was quite tightly tied to the institutions through which it was exercised.  Those institutions—the courts of equity, paralleled the common law courts, but adopted distinctive procedural rules, embraced a broader palette of remedies, and provided remedies for rights not recognized through the common law. In the United States, “Both historically and today, the term “equity” refers to a set of rights, remedies, and procedures available ostensibly to ameliorate defects of the common law (such as in the cases of fraud, mistake, and forgery) and to enforce equitable instruments that required the ongoing supervision of a court (such as trusts and guardianships).”[38]

            Equity was originally administered by the Chancellor and eventually through the equity courts, which operated in parallel to the common law courts.  This dual system of courts was brought to the colonies and thereafter preserved after the establishment of the United States.  Not all states, though,  preserved the dual system of courts.  Pennsylvania rejected equity, while Delaware and New York embraced the practice. Though law and equity courts have been merged at the federal level since the 1930s,[39] and also in many states, there are still some states where the law and equity jurisdictions are kept separated, though most states have blended the procedural rules of law and equity.

            Common law, then, does not explain the full extent of customary law in the United States. The colonies also received, though with varying degrees of enthusiasm, the practice of equity and understood in England through Independence. The problem with equity, of course, was its connection with the Crown and the administrative apparatus of the state. For colonial society, chafing under what it saw as the impositions of an unaccountable administrative apparatus in Westminster, there was sometimes a sense of the tyrannical (arbitrary power arbitrarily applied) to the whole business of equity. That, in part, was the result of the conflicts between king and Parliament in England in the 17th century, in which the customary traditions enshrined in common law protected by a class of jurists and lawyers was seen in opposition to the structures of equity controlled by the Crown and administered with little reference to standards. English rules seeking to place equity over law were seen as efforts to overturn the rule of law and advance executive power without restraint. The irony, of course, is that by the 21st century, the structures of cultures of equity has overwhelmed customary law in the United States, central to its procedure (the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure and related rules) and to the approaches to interpreting both customary and statutory substantive law. That result, however, was as much a product of the development of rules under which equity became administered (predictability).

            The first of the readings for this class, Hon. Mr. Justice P.W. Young,Equity,”[40] The New South Wales Bar Association (August 2007) is intended to bring some of this out. This article was chosen in part because, unlike the United States where law and equity have been merged, the distinctions between the two remain much more visible in Australia. This short reading introduces you to the origins of Equity as an alternative to law, beginning in earnest under the Tudor monarchs (at the commencement of the great colonization of North America) and its importance both as a source of substantive rules in some sorts of cases and as the basis for a particular set of remedies otherwise unavailable under the common law (injunction, constructive trust, specific performance, etc.). The critical insight of equity is its flexibility based on its conscious reliance on extrinsic sources for the determination of equity (which eventually was also codified in equity practice). Thus, equity was grounded in notions of providing relief where remedies at Common Law were unavailable if the action complained of went against “good conscience.” What that meant, of course could either be a matter of arbitrary determination (the individual taste of the equity judge, something altogether too common in early equity practice in the U.K.: and the U.S.) or it could “receive” extrinsic standards of good conscience from out of which rules of equity practice could be derived (and enforced, holding courts and equity chancellors accountable to standards other than their own predilections). These have found expression, for example, in the process rules of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure, Rule 8(c) affirmative defenses (unclean hands, in pari delicto, laches, fraud, etc.) and Rule 65 (restraining orders) and Rule 66 (receivers). Critically important, here, is the rise, through equity, of a judicial power to compel a person subject to the court’s jurisdiction to do or not do something―the court’s injunction power.[41] In the United States this power has significantly expanded the authority of the courts. And so, by the 14th century in England, the expansion of common law stopped but the development of equity flourished. Both eventually would be constrained by the logic of statutes and regulations―the legislative authority of the legislature and the executive. But that is a story for the next class.

            These ideas are introduced in the U.S. context in the second of the readings, Kristin A. Collins, “A Considerable Surgical Operation”: Article III, Equity, and Judge-Made Law in the Federal Courts.[42] Collins suggests the systemic qualities of equity.  She illustrates the close connection between the substance of its normative development and the facilities within which it was elaborated—the chancery courts of England and the U.S. If the common law provides the formal structures of the forms of action permitted to be implemented by the courts, then equity might be understood as the effort to soften the incoherence of formalism by opening a space where functionally appropriate results might be more likely available. 

            Until about a century ago, equity looked to fairness and the conduct of parties, making context more important to the application of the context blind rules of law exercised through its forms of action.  But even that normative baseline was sometimes obscured by the formalism that kept into actions in equity/actions that tended to mimic, in some respects, the formal systems of the law courts.   With the substantial union of law and equity in the 20th century both law and equity have come more consciously to affect each other to produce a formally structured system with a sensitivity to the fairness of the results it might impose.  As the cases that follow make clear, these lofty objectives are sometimes harder to discern in practice than in theory.  But their theoretical power has substantially affected the culture and practice of judge administered law in the United States in important respect.

            But the collisions between law and equity, and the efforts to provide systemic coherence through the courts, in multi jurisdictional systems like that of the United States does not tell the entire story of equity.  Equity’s importance to procedure, especially defenses against liability, would also collide with the increasingly complex and far reaching legislative programs of the U.S. federal government.  Those collisions are instructive both as to the permeable quality of equity and of the way in which courts have played a decisive role in fashioning accommodations between systems of law that exist simultaneously within a single jurisdiction bit whose application may be contradictory. 


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Equity and Fairness—Laches and Statutory Law

            Though we begin our consideration of the role of statutes in the U.S. legal system with the next chapter, it is important to understand that there are many points of convergence between these distinct sources of law.  Convergence points sometimes produce conflict.  And it has fallen to courts to attempt to determine how to apply these distinct sources of legal rights and obligations in a coherent manner. The example that follows focuses on one such effort to reconcile the equitable principle of laches with statutory rules that appear to function like. 

            Laches touches on issues of social harmony and avoidance of gaming the system to the disadvantage of an opponent. It permits a defendant to avoid liability where she can convince a court that the plaintiff unreasonably delayed pursuing a right or claim that results in prejudice to the opposing party. One definition that has been often used is that of the Supreme Court in Costello v. U.S., 365 U.S. 265 (1961): “Laches requires proof of (1) lack of diligence by the party against whom the defense is asserted, and (2) prejudice to the party asserting the defense.”[43] On the one hand it incorporates the policy premise that at some point social peace requires a ceasing of the potential for litigation of a dispute. On the other it suggests that control over the initiation of a lawsuit might be used strategically to disadvantage a potential defendant (evidence lost, witnesses forget, or die, etc.). The Supreme Court noted: “The law of laches, like the principle of the limitation of actions, was dictated by experience, and is founded in a salutary policy. The lapse of time carries with it the memory and life of witnesses, the muniments of evidence, and other means of proof.”[44]

            Consider the policy and principles that underlie the consideration of laches in the case that follows:



HERMÈS INTERNATIONAL, et al.,
v.
LEDERER DE PARIS FIFTH AVENUE, INC. et al.
55 U.S.P.Q.2d 1360; 219 F.3d 104
United States Court of Appeals, Second Circuit.

Decided: July 10, 2000

Opinion
TELESCA, Senior United States District Judge:

Appellants Hermès International, Hermès Sellier, Hermès Gestion, Inc., and Hermès of Paris, Inc., (collectively referred to as “Hermès”), appeal an Order of final judgment entered by the United States District Court for the Southern District of New York (Scheindlin, J.) granting summary judgment in favor of appellees Lederer de Paris Fifth Avenue, Inc. (“Lederer”), and Artbag Creations, Inc. (“Artbag”). See Hermès Int'l v. Lederer De Paris Fifth Ave., Inc., 50 F.Supp.2d 212 (S.D.N.Y.1999). . . . .

For the reasons set forth below, we . . .  find . . .that the district court erred in applying the doctrine of laches to appellants' claim for injunctive relief, and applied the doctrine too broadly with respect to appellants' claim for damages. Accordingly, we remand this case for further proceedings consistent with this opinion.

BACKGROUND

Appellant Hermès is a manufacturer and retailer of high-quality handbags and other fashion accessories. According to Hermès, its products incorporate a number of distinctive design characteristics that constitute its “famous mark and trade dress.” Hermès, 50 F.Supp.2d at 215. Detailed descriptions of these items are found in the district court's opinion. See id. at 215–16.

Appellees Lederer and Artbag sell replicas of various Hermès products such as the “Kelly Bag,” a handcrafted purse with an average selling price of over $5,000, with some models selling for over $30,000. Id. at 215 n. 4. Some of the knockoff bags sold by Lederer sell for as much as $27,000.00. Id. at 218.

According to the record, Hermès knew that Lederer and Artbag had been selling copies of Kelly bags since at least 1979 and 1989 respectively. Id. at 223. Hermès claimed, however, that it did not become fully aware of the scope of the appellees' alleged infringement until 1996, when it began investigating Lederer and Artbag's sales of knockoff Hermès products. According to Hermès, its investigation revealed that Lederer and Artbag were selling entire lines of knockoff Hermès products. In 1998, upon completion of its investigation, Hermès brought suit against the appellees pursuant to Section 32 of the Lanham Act of 1946, 15 U.S.C. § 1114; Section 43(a) of the Lanham Act, 15 U.S.C. § 1125(a); Section 43(c) of the Lanham Act, 15 U.S.C. § 1125(c); New York General Business Law § 360–1; and New York common law seeking monetary and injunctive relief for the alleged violation of its trademarks and trade dress.

Appellees moved for summary judgment against Hermès on grounds that Hermès had abandoned its trademark and trade dress rights, or, in the alternative, that Hermès was estopped from obtaining relief under the doctrine of laches. The district court held that appellees had not met their burden of proving that Hermès had abandoned its trademarks or trade dress, and accordingly denied in part appellees' motions. Id. at 222. The district court found, however, that Hermès had unreasonably delayed bringing an infringement suit against Lederer and Artbag, and thus was barred by the doctrine of laches from obtaining monetary or injunctive relief against those companies. The district court determined that the delay of between 9 and 19 years in bringing suit against Lederer and Artbag was unreasonable and prejudiced the appellees. Accordingly, the district court granted appellees' motions for summary judgment with  respect to Hermès' claims for monetary damages and injunctive relief.


DISCUSSION

I. Summary Judgment Standard

A district court's grant of summary judgment is reviewed de novo. . . .  Summary judgment is appropriate when there is no genuine issue as to a material fact, and the moving party is entitled to judgment as a matter of law. Fed.R.Civ.P. 56(c). . . .  All inferences are drawn in favor of the non-moving party. . . .  Although the district court did not address whether or not Hermès' designs are protectable as trademarks or trade dress, in viewing the record in the light most favorable to the non-movant below, Hermès, this court presumes that the designs are protected.

II. Laches

A. Injunctive Relief

In evaluating whether laches should bar Hermès request for injunctive relief, the district court began by noting that “the balance of the equities must be weighed, including an analysis of defendants' intent and the public interest.” 50 F.Supp.2d at 225.The court then determined that because appellees Lederer and Artbag did not use the name “Hermès” on their products and because they openly acknowledged to customers that their products were Hermès copies, the appellees had not deceptively attempted to “pass off” or “palm off” their products as genuine Hermès. Id. However, the court also found that by explicitly informing their customers that the style and workmanship of the knock-offs were such that no third party observer would be able to tell they were not genuine Hermès bags, the appellees had “attempt[ed] to encourage consumer confusion in the post-sale context.” Id. The court went on to consider the public interest and concluded that, although the behavior of appellees Artbag and Lederer might have increased their companies' sales at the expense of Hermès, it did not harm the public in the post-sale context and therefore did not compel rejection of the laches defense. Id. at 225–26.

In so holding, the district court misapplied the law governing the doctrine of laches. It is well established that “laches is not a defense against injunctive relief when the defendant intended the infringement.” Harlequin Enters. Ltd. v. Gulf & W. Corp., 644 F.2d 946, 950 (2d Cir.1981) . . . . This good-faith component of the laches doctrine is part of the fundamental principle that “he who comes into equity must come with clean hands.” Precision Instrument Mfg. Co. v. Automotive Maintenance Mach. Co., 324 U.S. 806, 814, 65 S.Ct. 993, 89 L.Ed. 1381 (1945). Thus, the appellees' intentional infringement is a dispositive, threshold inquiry that bars further consideration of the laches defense, not a mere factor to be weighed in balancing the equities, as the district court did in this case.

Viewing the record in a light most favorable to Hermès, it is clear that appellees Lederer and Artbag intentionally copied Hermès' designs and sought to sell knockoffs of Hermès originals. Appellees thus intentionally traded off the Hermès name and protected products and should not have been entitled to invoke the doctrine of laches as a defense against Hermès' claims for injunctive relief.

* * * * * *

B. Monetary Relief

In holding that the doctrine of laches prevented Hermès from obtaining monetary relief against Artbag, the district court found that laches precluded recovery for seven different allegedly infringing products sold by Artbag. On appeal, Hermès claims that, with respect to Artbag, the laches defense should have applied to only one product, the Kelly bag, and should not have been applied to six other products. In support of this claim, Hermès argues that there is no evidence in the record to suggest that it knew that Artbag was selling knockoff copies of those six products, and thus as a matter of law Artbag could not meet its burden of proving that Hermès unreasonably delayed taking action against Artbag for selling allegedly infringing products.

It is clear from the record and the district court's opinion that Hermès knew of Lederer's sales of seven knockoff products for at least nine years prior to commencing suit, but that Hermès was aware of only one knockoff product being sold by Artbag—the Kelly bag.See 50 F.Supp.2d at 223 (chart). The district court, however, failed to distinguish between Lederer and Artbag in holding that laches prevented recovery against both companies for all seven products. Because there is no evidence that Hermès knew of Artbag's sales of knockoffs other than the Kelly bag prior to 1996, we find that the district court's grant of summary judgment with regard to monetary relief against Artbag should have applied only to the Kelly bag.

* * * * * *

CONCLUSION

The district court's grant of summary judgment for injunctive relief in favor of appellees, and for monetary relief for products other than the Kelly bag in favor of Artbag is REVERSED. The district court's denial of appellees' motions for attorneys' fees is AFFIRMED, and the case is REMANDED for further proceedings consistent with this opinion.

Questions:

1.  What principle of equity is represented by the notion of “clean” hands?  How does that affect the availability of laches?  Did the court correctly apply the notion of equity in determining that knowledge of wrongdoing bars resort to equity?  Should Hermès knowledge of the knock offs had a greater effect on the weighing?

2.  If the court had not treated intent to infringe as a bar to laches, but only as a factor to be weighed in determining whether laches was appropriate, would the court have come to the same conclusion?  Should it have come to the same conclusion?
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            Laches has tended to become less important as states have moved to impose statutes of limitations on causes of action. These statutes of limitations serve to cut off all claims for specified causes of action as set by the terms of the statute.  They can apply to claims under common law, statute, and regulation. They can apply to civil and criminal actions. A typical statute of limitations is written like this: “A person must bring suit not later than two years after the day the cause of action accrues in an action for injury resulting in death. The cause of action accrues on the death of the injured person.”[45] Notice statutes of limitations focus on three elements.  The first is the identification of cause of action or claim subject to a specific limitations period.  Second, the specification of the limitations period itself.  And third, the date from when one starts counting the time to claim extinguishment (the time when a claim accrues).

            These statutes of limitation have the effect of hard wiring social notions about how long a wait is too long to commence a suit.  But it also can be used instrumentally to indicate legislative favor or disfavor of particular causes of action.  Thus a disfavored cause of action might be limited by imposing a very short statute of limitations.  Yet such statutory schemes do not require any balancing of conduct nor a determination of justice—instead they merely provide a certain and predictable method for cutting off claims, without regard to the facts or circumstances that might have produced delay.  It is for that reason that it was sometimes though that equity defenses, like laches, might still be asserted even with respect to claims for which the legislature had enacted statutes of limitations.

            These issues have continued to be debated in the courts.  Consider the effect of statutes of limitations on laches in the following case.  Platy close attention toi the role played by the principles of equity and their relevance to the decision in the case, as well as to the arguments raised by the dissent.

Paula Petrella, Petitioner
v.
Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer, Inc., et al.
572 U.S. _ (May 19, 2014)

JUSTICE GINSBURG delivered the opinion of the Court.

The Copyright Act provides that “[n]o civil action shall be maintained under the [Act] unless it is commenced within three years after the claim accrued.” 17 U. S. C. §507(b). This case presents the question whether the equitable defense of laches (unreasonable, prejudicial delay in commencing suit) may bar relief on a copyright infringement claim brought within §507(b)’s three-year limitations period. Section 507(b), it is undisputed, bars relief of any kind for conduct occurring prior to the three-year limitations period. To the extent that an infringement suit seeks relief solely for conduct occurring within the limitations period, however, courts are not at liberty to jettison Congress’ judgment on the timeliness of suit. Laches, we hold, cannot be invoked to preclude adjudication of a claim for damages brought within the three-year window. As to equitable relief, in extraordinary circumstances, laches may bar at the very threshold the particular relief requested by the plaintiff. And a plaintiff ’s delay can always be brought to bear at the remedial stage, in determining appropriate injunctive relief, and in assessing the “profits of the infringer . . . attributable to the infringement.” §504(b).[46] Petitioner Paula Petrella, in her suit for copyright infringement, sought no relief for conduct occurring outside §507(b)’s three-year limitations period. Nevertheless, the courts below held that laches barred her suit in its entirety, without regard to the currency of the conduct of which Petrella complains. That position, we hold, is contrary to §507(b) and this Court’s precedent on the province of laches.

I

The Copyright Act (Act), 17 U. S. C. §101 et seq., grants copyright protection to original works of authorship. §102(a). Four aspects of copyright law bear explanation at the outset. First, the length of a copyright term. Under the Act, a copyright “vests initially in the author or authors of the work,” who may transfer ownership to a third party. §201. The Act confers on a copyright owner certain exclusive rights, including the rights to reproduce and distribute the work and to develop and market derivative works. §106. Copyrighted works published before 1978—as was the work at issue—are protected for an initial period of 28 years, which may be—and in this case was—extended for a renewal period of up to 67 years. §304(a). From and after January 1, 1978, works are generally protected from the date of creation until 70 years after the author’s death. §302(a).

Second, copyright inheritance. For works copyrighted under the pre-1978 regime in which an initial period of protection may be followed by a renewal period, Congress provided that the author’s heirs inherit the renewal rights. See §304(a)(1)(C)(ii)–(iv). We held in Stewart v. Abend, 495 U. S. 207 (1990), that if an author who has assigned her rights away “dies before the renewal period, then the assignee may continue to use the original work [to produce a derivative work] only if the author’s successor transfers the renewal rights to the assignee.” Id., at 221.

Third, remedies. The Act provides a variety of civil remedies for infringement, both equitable and legal. See §§502–505, described supra, at 2, n. 1. A court may issue an injunction “on such terms as it may deem reasonable to prevent or restrain infringement of a copyright.” §502(a). At the election of the copyright owner, a court may also award either (1) “the copyright owner’s actual damages and any additional profits of the infringer,” §504(a)(1), which petitioner seeks in the instant case, or (2) statutory damages within a defined range, §504(c).

Fourth, and most significant here, the statute of limitations. Until 1957, federal copyright law did not include a statute of limitations for civil suits. Federal courts therefore used analogous state statutes of limitations to determine the timeliness of infringement claims. See S. Rep. No. 1014, 85th Cong., 1st Sess., 2 (1957) (hereinafter Senate Report). And they sometimes invoked laches to abridge the state-law prescription. As explained in Teamsters & Employers Welfare Trust of Ill. v. Gorman Bros. Ready Mix, 283 F. 3d 877, 881 CA7 2002): “When Congress fails to enact a statute of limitations, a [federal court that borrows a state statute of limitations but permits it to be abridged by the doctrine of laches is not invading congressional prerogatives. It is merely filling a legislative hole.” (internal citation omitted). In 1957, Congress addressed the matter and filled the hole; it prescribed a three-year look-back limitations period for all civil claims arising under the Copyright Act. See Act of Sept. 7, 1957, Pub. L. 85–313, 71 Stat. 633, 17 U. S. C. §115(b) (1958 ed.). The provision, as already noted, reads: “No civil action shall be maintained under the provisions of this title unless it is commenced within three years after the claim accrued.” §507(b).

The federal limitations prescription governing copyright suits serves two purposes: (1) to render uniform and certain the time within which copyright claims could be pursued; and (2) to prevent the forum shopping invited by disparate state limitations periods, which ranged from one to eight years. Senate Report 2; see H. R. Rep. No. 2419, 84th Cong., 2d Sess., 2 (1956). To comprehend how the Copyright Act’s limitations period works, one must understand when a copyright infringement claim accrues. A claim ordinarily accrues “when [a] plaintiff has a complete and present cause of action.” Bay Area Laundry and Dry Cleaning Pension Trust Fund v. Ferbar Corp. of Cal., 522 U. S. 192, 201 (1997) (internal quotation marks omitted). In  other words, the limitations period generally begins to run at the point when “the plaintiff can file suit and obtain relief.” Ibid. A copyright claim thus arises or “accrue[s]” when an infringing act occurs.

It is widely recognized that the separate-accrual rule attends the copyright statute of limitations. Under that rule, when a defendant commits successive violations, the statute of limitations runs separately from each violation. Each time an infringing work is reproduced or distributed, the infringer commits a new wrong. Each wrong gives rise to a discrete “claim” that “accrue[s]” at the time the wrong occurs. In short, each infringing act starts a new limitations period. See Stone v. Williams, 970 F. 2d 1043, 1049 (CA2 1992) (“Each act of infringement is a distinct harm giving rise to an independent claim for relief.”).

Under the Act’s three-year provision, an infringement is actionable within three years, and only three years, of its occurrence. And the infringer is insulated from liability for earlier infringements of the same work. . . .  Thus, when a defendant has engaged (or is
alleged to have engaged) in a series of discrete infringing acts, the copyright holder’s suit ordinarily will be timely under §507(b) with respect to more recent acts of infringement (i.e., acts within the three-year window), but untimely with respect to prior acts of the same or similar kind.

In sum, Congress provided two controlling time prescriptions: the copyright term, which endures for decades, and may pass from one generation to another; and §507(b)’s limitations period, which allows plaintiffs during that lengthy term to gain retrospective relief running only three years back from the date the complaint was filed.

II
A

The allegedly infringing work in this case is the critically acclaimed motion picture Raging Bull, based on the life of boxing champion Jake LaMotta. After retiring from the
ring, LaMotta worked with his longtime friend, Frank Petrella, to tell the story of the boxer’s career. Their venture resulted in three copyrighted works: two screen-plays, one registered in 1963, the other in 1973, and a book, registered in 1970. This case centers on the screen-play registered in 1963. The registration identified Frank Petrella as sole author, but also stated that the screenplay was written “in collaboration with” LaMotta. App. 164.

In 1976, Frank Petrella and LaMotta assigned their rights in the three works, including renewal rights, to Chartoff-Winkler Productions, Inc. Two years later, respondent United Artists Corporation, a subsidiary of respondent Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer, Inc. (collectively, MGM), acquired the motion picture rights to the book and both screenplays, rights stated by the parties to be “exclusiv[e] and forever, including all periods of copyright and renewals and extensions thereof.” Id., at 49. In 1980, MGM released, and registered a copyright in, the film Raging Bull, directed by Martin Scorsese and starring Robert De Niro, who won a Best Actor Academy Award for his portrayal of LaMotta. MGM continues to market the film, and has converted it into formats unimagined in 1980, including DVD and Blu-ray.

Frank Petrella died in 1981, during the initial terms of the copyrights in the screenplays and book. As this Court’s decision in Stewart confirmed, Frank Petrella’s renewal rights reverted to his heirs, who could renew the copyrights unburdened by any assignment previously  made by the author. See 495 U. S., at 220–221 (relying on Court’s earlier decision in Miller Music Corp. v. Charles N. Daniels, Inc., 362 U. S. 373 (1960)).

Plaintiff below, petitioner here, Paula Petrella (Petrella) is Frank Petrella’s daughter. Learning of this Court’s decision in Stewart, Petrella engaged an attorney who, in 1991, renewed the copyright in the 1963 screenplay. Because the copyrights in the 1973 screenplay and the 1970 book were not timely renewed, the infringement claims in this case rest exclusively on the screenplay registered in 1963. Petrella is now sole owner of the copy-right in that work.

In 1998, seven years after filing for renewal of the copy-right in the 1963 screenplay, Petrella’s attorney informed MGM that Petrella had obtained the copyright to that screenplay. Exploitation of any derivative work, including Raging Bull, the attorney asserted, infringed on the copy-right now vested in Petrella. During the next two years,
counsel for Petrella and MGM exchanged letters in which MGM denied the validity of the infringement claims, and Petrella repeatedly threatened to take legal action.
B

Some nine years later, on January 6, 2009, Petrella filed a copyright infringement suit in the United States District Court for the Central District of California. She alleged that MGM violated and continued to violate her copyright in the 1963 screenplay by using, producing, and distributing Raging Bull, a work she described as derivative of the 1963 screenplay. Petrella’s complaint sought monetary and injunctive relief. Because the statute of limitations for copyright claims requires commencement of suit “within three years after the claim accrued,” §507(b), Petrella sought relief only for acts of infringement occurring on or after January 6, 2006. No relief, she recognizes, can be awarded for infringing acts prior to that date.

MGM moved for summary judgment on several grounds, among them, the equitable doctrine of laches. Petrella’s 18-year delay, from the 1991 renewal of the copyright on which she relied, until 2009, when she commenced suit, MGM maintained, was unreasonable and prejudicial to MGM. See Memorandum of Points and Authorities in Support of Defendants’ Motion for Summary Judgment in No. CV 09–0072 (CD Cal.).

The District Court granted MGM’s motion. See App. To Pet. for Cert. 28a–48a. As to the merits of the infringement claims, the court found, disputed issues of material fact precluded summary adjudication. See id., at 34a–42a. Even so, the court held, laches barred Petrella’s complaint. Id., at 42a–48a. Petrella had unreasonably delayed suit by not filing until 2009, the court concluded, and further determined that MGM was prejudiced by the delay. Id., at 42a–46a. In particular, the court stated, MGM had shown “expectations-based prejudice,” because the company had “made significant investments in exploiting the film”; in addition, the court accepted that MGM would encounter “evidentiary prejudice,” because Frank Petrella had died and LaMotta, then aged 88, appeared to have sustained a loss of memory. Id., at 44a–46a.

The U. S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit affirmed the laches-based dismissal. 695 F. 3d 946 (2012). Under Ninth Circuit precedent, the Court of Appeals first observed, “[i]f any part of the alleged wrongful conduct occurred outside of the limitations period, courts presume that the plaintiff ’s claims are barred by laches.” Id., at 951 (internal quotation marks omitted). . . . . We granted certiorari to resolve a conflict among the Circuits on the application of the equitable defense of laches to copyright infringement claims brought within the three-year look-back period prescribed by Congress. 570 U. S. ___ (2013).

III

We consider first whether, as the Ninth Circuit held, laches may be invoked as a bar to Petrella’s pursuit of legal remedies under 17 U. S. C. §504(b). The Ninth Circuit erred, we hold, in failing to recognize that the copyright statute of limitations, §507(b), itself takes account of delay. As earlier observed, see supra, at 5–6, a successful plaintiff can gain retrospective relief only three years back from the time of suit. No recovery may be had for infringement in earlier years. Profits made in those years remain the defendant’s to keep. Brought to bear here, §507(b) directs that MGM’s returns on its investment in Raging Bull in years outside the three-year window (years before 2006) cannot be reached by Petrella. Only by disregarding that feature of the statute, and the separate-accrual rule attending §507(b), see supra, at 4–5, could the Court of Appeals presume that infringing acts occurring before January 6, 2006 bar all relief, monetary and injunctive, for infringement occurring on and after that date. See 695 F. 3d, at 951; supra, at 9–10.

Moreover, if infringement within the three-year look-back period is shown, the Act allows the defendant to prove and offset against profits made in that period “deductible expenses” incurred in generating those profits. §504(b). In addition, the defendant may prove and offset “elements of profit attributable to factors other than the copyrighted work.” §504(b). The defendant thus may retain the return on investment shown to be attributable to its own enterprise, as distinct from the value created by the infringed work. See Sheldon v. Metro-Goldwyn Pictures Corp., 309 U. S. 390, 402, 407 (1940) (equitably
apportioning profits to account for independent contributions of infringing defendant). See also infra, at 19–22 (delay in commencing suit as a factor in determining contours of relief appropriately awarded).

Last, but hardly least, laches is a defense developed by courts of equity; its principal application was, and remains, to claims of an equitable cast for which the Legislature has provided no fixed time limitation. See 1 D. Dobbs, Law of Remedies §2.4(4), p. 104 (2d ed. 1993) (hereinafter Dobbs) (“laches . . . may have originated in equity because no statute of limitations applied, . . . suggest[ing] that laches should be limited to cases in which no statute of limitations applies”). Both before and after the merger of law and equity in 1938, this Court has cautioned against invoking laches to bar legal relief. See Holmberg v. Armbrecht, 327 U. S. 392, 395, 396 (1946) (in actions at law, “[i]f Congress explicitly puts a limit upon the time for enforcing a right which it created, there is an end of the matter,” but “[t]raditionally . . . , statutes of limitation are not controlling measures of equitable relief ”); Merck & Co. v. Reynolds , 559 U. S. 633, 652 (2010) (quoting, for its current relevance, statement in United States v. Mack, 295 U. S. 480, 489 (1935), that “[l]aches within the term of the statute of limitations is no defense [to an action] at law”);
County of Oneida v. Oneida Indian Nation of N. Y., 470 U. S. 226, 244, n. 16 (1985) (“[A]pplication of the equitable defense of laches in an action at law would be novel indeed.”).

Because we adhere to the position that, in face of a statute of limitations enacted by Congress, laches cannot be invoked to bar legal relief, the dissent thinks we “plac[e] insufficient weight upon the rules and practice of modern litigation.” Post, at 12. True, there has been, since 1938, only “one form of action—the civil action.” Fed. Rule Civ. Proc. 2. But “the substantive and remedial principles [applicable] prior to the advent of the federal rules [have] not changed.” 4 C. Wright & A. Miller, Federal Practice and Procedure §1043, p. 177 (3d ed. 2002). Holmberg, Merck, and Oneida so illustrate. The dissent presents multiple citations, see post, at 1, 3–4, 7–8, 10–11, many of them far afield from the issue at hand, others obscuring what the cited decisions in fact ruled. Compare, e.g., post, at 1, 11, with infra , at 20–21 (describing Chirco v. Crosswinds Communities, Inc., 474 F. 3d 227 (CA6 2007)); post, at 1, 10–11, with infra, at 15, n. 16 (describing National Railroad Passenger Corporation v. Morgan, 536 U. S. 101 (2002)); post, at 8, with infra, at 15, n. 16 (describing Patterson v. Hewitt , 195 U. S. 309 (1904)). Yet tellingly, the dissent has come up with no case in which this Court has approved the application of laches to bar a claim for damages brought with in the time allowed by a federal statute of limitations. There is nothing at all “differen[t],” see post, at 12, about copyright cases in this regard.

IV

We turn now to MGM’s principal arguments regarding the contemporary scope of the laches defense, all of them embraced by the dissent.

A

Laches is listed among affirmative defenses, along with, but discrete from, the statute of limitations, in Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 8(c). Accordingly, MGM maintains, the plea is “available . . . in every civil action” to bar all forms of relief. Tr. of Oral Arg. 43; see Brief for Respondents 40. To the Court’s question, could laches apply where there is an ordinary six-year statute of limitations, MGM’s counsel responded yes, case-specific circumstances might warrant a ruling that a suit brought in year five came too late. Tr. of Oral Arg. 52; see id., at 41.

The expansive role for laches MGM envisions careens away from understandings, past and present, of the essentially gap-filling, not legislation-overriding, office of laches. Nothing in this Court’s precedent suggests a doctrine of such sweep. Quite the contrary, we have never applied laches to bar in their entirety claims for discrete wrongs occurring within a federally prescribed limitations period.[47] Inviting individual judges to set a time limit other than the one Congress prescribed, we note, would tug against the uniformity Congress sought to achieve when it enacted §507(b). See supra, at 3–4.

B

MGM observes that equitable tolling “is read into every federal statute of limitation,” Holmberg, 327 U. S., at 397, and asks why laches should not be treated similarly. See Brief for Respondents 23–26; post, at 7–8. Tolling, which lengthens the time for commencing a civil action in appropriate circumstances, applies when there is a statute of limitations; it is, in effect, a rule of interpretation tied to that limit. See Young v. United States, 535 U. S. 43, 49–50 (2002); Johnson v. Railway Express Agency, Inc., 421 U.S. 454, 464 (1975). Laches, in contrast, originally served as a guide when no statute of limitations controlled the claim; it can scarcely be described as a rule for interpreting a statutory prescription. That is so here, because the statute, §507(b), makes the starting trigger an infringing act committed three years back from the commencement of suit, while laches, as conceived by the Ninth Circuit and advanced by MGM, makes the presumptive trigger the defendant’s initial infringing act. See 695 F. 3d, at 951; Brief for United States 16.

C

MGM insists that the defense of laches must be available to prevent a copyright owner from sitting still, doing nothing, waiting to see what the outcome of an alleged infringer’s investment will be. See Brief for Respondents 48. In this case, MGM stresses, “[Petrella] Conceded that she waited to file because ‘the film was deeply in debt and in the red and would probably never recoup.’” Id., at 47 (quoting from App. 110). The Ninth Circuit similarly faulted Petrella for waiting to sue until the film Raging Bull “made money.” 695 F. 3d, at 953 (internal quotation marks omitted). See also post, at 3–6 (deploring plaintiffs who wait to see whether the allegedly infringing work makes money).

It is hardly incumbent on copyright owners, however, to challenge each and every actionable infringement. And there is nothing untoward about waiting to see whether an
infringer’s exploitation undercuts the value of the copy-righted work, has no effect on the original work, or even complements it. Fan sites prompted by a book or film, for example, may benefit the copyright owner. . . . . Even if an infringement is harmful, the harm may be too small to justify the cost of litigation.

If the rule were, as MGM urges, “sue soon, or forever hold your peace,” copyright owners would have to mount a federal case fast to stop seemingly innocuous infringements, lest those infringements eventually grow in magnitude. Section 507(b)’s three-year limitations period, however, coupled to the separate-accrual rule, see supra, at 3–6, avoids such litigation profusion. It allows a copyright owner to defer suit until she can estimate whether litigation is worth the candle. She will miss out on damages for periods prior to the three-year look-back, but her right to prospective injunctive relief should, in most cases, remain unaltered.

D

MGM points to the danger that evidence needed or useful to defend against liability will be lost during a copyright owner’s inaction. Brief for Respondents 37–38; see post, at 2–4. Recall, however, that Congress provided for reversionary renewal rights exercisable by an author’s heirs, rights that can be exercised, at the earliest for pre1978 copyrights, 28 years after a work was written and copyrighted. See, supra, at 2–3. At that time, the author, and perhaps other witnesses to the creation of the work, will be dead. See supra, at 7. Congress must have been aware that the passage of time and the author’s death could cause a loss or dilution of evidence. Congress chose, nonetheless, to give the author’s family “a second chance to obtain fair remuneration.” Stewart, 495 U. S., at 220.

Moreover, a copyright plaintiff bears the burden of proving infringement. See 3 W. Patry, Copyright §9.4, p.9–18 (2013) (hereinafter Patry) (“As in other civil litigation, a copyright owner bears the burden of establishing a prima facie case.”). But cf. post, at 4 (overlooking plaintiff ’s burden to show infringement and the absence of any burden upon the defendant “to prove that it did not infringe”). Any hindrance caused by the unavailability of evidence, therefore, is at least as likely to affect plaintiffs as it is to disadvantage defendants. That is so in cases of the kind Petrella is pursuing, for a deceased author most probably would have supported his heir’s claim.

The registration mechanism, we further note, reduces the need for extrinsic evidence. Although registration is “permissive,” both the certificate and the original work must be on file with the Copyright Office before a copy-right owner can sue for infringement. §§408(b), 411(a). Key evidence in the litigation, then, will be the certificate, the original work, and the allegedly infringing work. And the adjudication will often turn on the factfinder’s direct comparison of the original and the infringing works, i.e., on the factfinder’s “good eyes and common sense” in comparing the two works’ “total concept and overall feel.” Peter F. Gaito Architecture, LLC v. Simone Development Corp., 602 F. 3d 57, 66 (CA2 2010) (internal quotation marks omitted).

E

Finally, when a copyright owner engages in intentionally misleading representations concerning his abstention from suit, and the alleged infringer detrimentally relies on the copyright owner’s deception, the doctrine of estoppel may bar the copyright owner’s claims completely, eliminating all potential remedies. See 6 Patry §20:58, at 20–110 to 20–112. The test for estoppel is more exacting than the test for laches, and the two defenses are differently oriented. The gravamen of estoppel, a defense long recognized as available in actions at law, see Wehrman v. Conklin, 155 U. S. 314, 327 (1894), is misleading and consequent loss, see 6 Patry §20:58, at 20–110 to 20–112. Delay may be involved, but is not an element of the defense. For laches, timeliness is the essential element. In contrast to laches, urged by MGM entirely to override the statute of limitations Congress prescribed, estoppel does not undermine Congress’ prescription, for it rests on misleading, whether engaged in early on, or later in time.

Stating that the Ninth Circuit “ha[d] taken a wrong turn in its formulation and application of laches in copy-right cases,” Judge Fletcher called for fresh consideration of the issue. 695 F. 3d, at 959. “A recognition of the distinction between . . . estoppel and laches,” he suggested, “would be a good place to start.” Ibid. We agree.

V

The courts below summarily disposed of Petrella’s case based on laches, preventing adjudication of any of her claims on the merits and foreclosing the possibility of any form of relief. That disposition, we have explained, was erroneous. Congress’ time provisions secured to authors a copyright term of long duration, and a right to sue for infringement occurring no more than three years back from the time of suit. That regime leaves “little place” for a doctrine that would further limit the timeliness of a copyright owner’s suit. See 1 Dobbs §2.6(1), at 152. In extraordinary circumstances, however, the consequences of a delay in commencing suit may be of sufficient magnitude to warrant, at the very outset of the litigation, curtailment of the relief equitably awardable.

Chirco v. Crosswinds Communities, Inc., 474 F. 3d 227 (CA6 2007), is illustrative. In that case, the defendants were alleged to have used without permission, in planning and building a housing development, the plaintiffs’ copy-righted architectural design. Long aware of the defendants’ project, the plaintiffs took no steps to halt the housing development until more than 168 units were built, 109 of which were occupied. Id., at 230. Although the action was filed within §507(b)’s three-year statute of limitations, the District Court granted summary judgment to the defendants, dismissing the entire case on grounds of laches. The trial court’s rejection of the entire suit could not stand, the Court of Appeals explained, for it was not within the Judiciary’s ken to debate the wisdom of §507(b)’s three-year look-back prescription. Id., at 235. Nevertheless, the Court of Appeals affirmed the District Court’s judgment to this extent: The plaintiffs, even if they might succeed in proving infringement of their copyrighted design, would not be entitled
to an order mandating destruction of the housing project. That relief would be inequitable, the Sixth Circuit held, for two reasons: the plaintiffs knew of the defendants’ construction plans before the defendants broke ground, yet failed to take readily available
measures to stop the project; and the requested relief would “work an unjust hardship” upon the defendants and innocent third parties. Id., at 236. See also New Era Publications Int’l v. Henry Holt & Co., 873 F. 2d 576, 584–585 (CA2 1989) (despite awareness since 1986 that book containing allegedly infringing material would be published in the United States, copyright owner did not seek a restraining order until 1988, after the book had been printed, packed, and shipped; as injunctive relief “would [have] result[ed] in the total destruction of the work,” the court “relegat[ed plaintiff] to its damages remedy”). In sum, the courts below erred in treating laches as a complete bar to Petrella’s copyright infringement suit. The action was commenced within the bounds of §507(b), the Act’s time-to-sue prescript ion, and does not present extraordinary circumstances of the kind involved in Chirco and New Era . Petrella notified MGM of her copyright claims before MGM invested millions of dollars in creating a new edition of Raging Bull. And the equitable relief Petrella seeks—e.g., disgorgement of unjust gains and an injunction against future infringement—would not result in “total destruction” of the film, or anything close to it. See New Era, 873 F. 2d, at 584. MGM released Raging Bull more than three decades ago and has marketed it continuously since then. Allowing Petrella’s suit to go forward will put at risk only a fraction of the income MGM has earned during that period and will work no unjust hardship on innocent third parties, such as consumers
who have purchased copies of Raging Bull. Cf. Chirco, 474 F. 3d, at 235–236 (destruction remedy would have ousted families from recently purchased homes). The circumstances here may or may not (we need not decide) warrant limiting relief at the remedial stage, but they are not sufficiently extraordinary to justify threshold dismissal. Should Petrella ultimately prevail on the merits, the District Court, in determining appropriate injunctive relief and assessing profits, may take account of her delay in commencing suit. See supra, at 1–2, 11–12. In doing so, however, that court should closely examine MGM’s alleged 585 (CA2 1989) (despite awareness since 1986 that book containing allegedly infringing material would be published in the United States, copyright owner did not seek a restraining order until 1988, after the book had been printed, packed, and shipped; as injunctive relief “would [have] result[ed] in the total destruction of the work,” the court “relegat[ed plaintiff] to its damages remedy”).

In sum, the courts below erred in treating laches as a complete bar to Petrella’s copyright infringement suit. The action was commenced within the bounds of §507(b), the Act’s time-to-sue prescription, and does not present extraordinary circumstances of the kind involved in Chirco and New Era . Petrella notified MGM of her copyright claims before MGM invested millions of dollars in creating a new edition of Raging Bull. And the equitable relief Petrella seeks—e.g., disgorgement of unjust gains and an injunction against future infringement—would not result in “total destruction” of the film, or anything close to it. See New Era , 873 F. 2d, at 584. MGM released Raging Bull more than three decades ago and has marketed it continuously since then. Allowing Petrella’s suit to go forward will put at risk only a fraction of the income MGM has earned during that period and will work no unjust hardship on innocent third parties, such as consumers
who have purchased copies of Raging Bull. Cf. Chirco, 474 F.3d, at 235–236 (destruction remedy would have ousted families from recently purchased homes). The circumstances here may or may not (we need not decide) warrant limiting relief at the remedial stage, but they are not sufficiently extraordinary to justify threshold dismissal.

Should Petrella ultimately prevail on the merits, the District Court, in determining appropriate injunctive relief and assessing profits, may take account of her delay in commencing suit. See supra, at 1–2, 11–12. In doing so, however, that court should closely examine MGM’s alleged reliance on Petrella’s delay. This examination should take account of MGM’s early knowledge of Petrella’s claims, the protection MGM might have achieved through pursuit of a declaratory judgment action, the extent to which MGM’s investment was protected by the separate-accrual rule, the court’s authority to order injunctive relief “on such terms as it may deem reasonable,” §502(a), and any other considerations that would justify adjusting injunctive relief or profits. See Haas v. Leo Feist, Inc., 234 F. 105, 107–108 (SDNY 1916) (adjudicating copyright infringement suit on the merits and decreeing injunctive relief, but observing that, in awarding profits, account may be taken of copyright owner’s inaction until infringer had spent large sums exploiting the work at issue). See also Tr. of Oral Arg. 23 (Government observation that, in fashioning equitable remedies, court has considerable leeway; it could, for example, allow MGM to continue using Raging Bull as a derivative work upon payment of a reasonable royalty to Petrella). Whatever adjustments may be in order in awarding injunctive relief, and in accounting for MGM’s gains and profits, on the facts thus far presented, there is no evident basis for immunizing MGM’s present and future uses of the copyrighted work, free from any obligation to pay royalties.

* * *

For the reasons stated, the judgment of the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit is reversed, and the case is remanded for further proceedings consistent with this opinion.

It is so ordered

JUSTICE BREYER, with whom THE CHIEF JUSTICE, and JUSTICE KENNEDY join, dissenting.

* * * * * *
The Court holds that insofar as a copyright claim seeks damages, a court cannot ever apply laches, irrespective of the length of the plaintiff ’s delay, the amount of the harm that it caused, or the inequity of permitting the action to go forward.

II

Why should laches not be available in an appropriate case? Consider the reasons the majority offers. First, the majority says that the 3-year “copyright statute of limitations . . . itself takes account of delay,” and so additional safeguards like laches are not needed. Ante, at 11. I agree that sometimes that is so. But I also fear that sometimes it is not. The majority correctly points out that the limitations period limits the retrospective relief a plaintiff can recover. It imposes a cap equal to the profits earned during the prior three years, in addition to any actual damages sustained during this time. Ibid.; §504(b). Thus, if the plaintiff waits from, say, 1980 until 2001 to bring suit, she cannot recover profits for the 1980 to 1998 period. But she can recover the defendant’s profits from 1998 through 2001, which might be precisely when net revenues turned positive. And she can sue every three years thereafter until the copyright expires, perhaps in the year 2060. If the plaintiff ’s suit involves the type of inequitable circumstances I have described, her ability to recover profits from 1998 to 2001 and until the copyright expires could be just the kind of unfairness that laches is designed to prevent.

Second, the majority points out that the plaintiff can recover only the defendant’s profits less “‘deductible expenses’ incurred in generating those profits.” Ante, at 12 (quoting §504(b)). In other words, the majority takes assurance from the fact that the Act enables the defendant to recoup his outlays in developing or selling the allegedly infringing work. Again, some times that fact will prevent inequitable results. But sometimes it will not. A plaintiff ’s delay may mean that the defendant has already recovered the majority of his expenses, and what is left is primarily profit. It may mean that the defendant has dedicated decades of his life to producing the work, such that the loss of a future profit stream (even if he can recover past expenses) is tantamount to the loss of any income in later years. And in circumstances such as those described, it could prove inequitable to give the profit to a plaintiff who has unnecessarily delayed in filing an action. Simply put, the “deductible expenses” provision does not protect the defendant from the potential inequity high-lighted by Judge Hand nearly 100 years ago in his influential copyright opinion. That is, it does not stop a copyright-holder (or his heirs) from “stand[ing] inactive while the proposed infringer spends large sums of money” in a risky venture; appearing on the scene only when the venture has proved a success; and thereby collecting substantially more money than he could have obtained at the outset, had he bargained with the investor over a license and royalty fee. Haas, 234 F., at 108. But cf. id., at 108–109 (plaintiff to receive injunctive relief since one of the defendants was a “deliberate pirate,” but profit award to be potentially reduced in light of laches).

Third, the majority says that “[i]nviting individual judges to set a time limit other than the one Congress prescribed” in the Copyright Act would “tug against the uniformity Congress sought to achieve when it enacted §507(b).” Ante, at 15. But why does the majority believe that part of what Congress intended to “achieve” was the elimination of the equitable defense of laches? As the majority recognizes, Congress enacted a uniform statute of limitations for copyright claims in 1957 so that federal courts, in determining timeliness, no longer had to borrow from state law which varied from place to place. See ante, at 3–4. Nothing in the 1957 Act—or anywhere else in the text of the copyright statute—indicates that Congress also sought to bar the operation of laches. The Copyright Act is silent on the subject. And silence is consistent, not inconsistent, with the application of equitable doctrines.

For one thing, the legislative history for §507 shows that Congress chose not to “specifically enumerat[e] certain equitable considerations which might be advanced in connection with civil copyright actions” because it understood that “‘[f]ederal district courts, generally, recognize these equitable defenses anyway.’ ” S. Rep. No. 1014, 85th Cong., 1st Sess., 2–3 (1957) (quoting the House Judiciary Committee). Courts prior to 1957 had often applied laches in federal copyright cases. See, e.g., Callaghan v. Myers, 128 U. S. 617, 658–659 (1888) (assuming laches was an available defense in a copyright suit); . . . .). Congress expected they would continue to do so.

Furthermore, this Court has held that federal courts may “appl[y] equitable doctrines that may toll or limit the time period” for suit when applying a statute of limitations, because a statutory “filing period” is a “requirement” subject to adjustment “‘when equity so requires.’” Morgan, 536 U. S., at 121–122 (quoting Zipes v. Trans World Airlines, Inc., 455 U. S. 385, 398 (1982); emphasis added). This Court has read laches into statutes of limitations otherwise silent on the topic of equitable doctrines in a multitude of contexts, as have lower courts. See, e.g., Morgan, supra, at 121 (“an employer may raise a laches
defense” under Title VII); Bay Area Laundry and Dry Cleaning Pension Trust Fund v. Ferbar Corp. of Cal., 522 U.S. 192, 205 (1997). . . . Unless Congress indicates otherwise, courts normally assume that equitable rules continue to operate alongside limitations periods, and that equity applies both to plaintiffs and to defendants. . . . .

The Court today comes to a different conclusion. It reads §507(b)’s silence as preserving doctrines that lengthen the period for suit when equitable considerations favor the plaintiff (e.g., equitable tolling), but as foreclosing a doctrine that would shorten the period when equity favors the defendant (i.e., laches). See ante, at 15–16, 19–20. I do not understand the logic of reading a silent statute in this manner.

Fourth, the majority defends its rule by observing that laches was “developed by courts of equity,” and that this Court has “cautioned against invoking laches to bar legal relief ” even following the merger of law and equity in 1938. Ante, at 12–13. . . . This statement, however, constituted part of the Court’s explanation as to why a federal statute, silent about limitations, should be applied consistently with “historic principles of equity in the enforcement of federally-created equitable rights” rather than with New York’s statute of
limitations.

In sum, there is no reason to believe that the Court meant any of its statements in Holmberg, Merck, or Oneida to announce a general rule about the availability of laches in actions for legal relief, whenever Congress provides a statute of limitations. To the contrary, the Court has said more than once that a defendant could invoke laches in an action for damages (even though no assertion of the defense had actually been made in the case), despite a fixed statute of limitations. See Morgan , 536 U. S., at 116–119, 121–122 (laches available in hostile work environment claims. . . ).

* * * * *

Perhaps more importantly, in permitting laches to apply to copyright claims seeking equitable relief but not to those seeking legal relief, the majority places insufficient weight upon the rules and practice of modern litigation. Since 1938, Congress and the Federal Rules have replaced what would once have been actions “at law” and actions “in equity” with the “civil action.” Fed. Rule Civ. Proc. 2 (“There is one form of action—the civil action”). A federal civil action is subject to both equitable and legal defenses. Fed. Rule Civ. Proc. 8(c)(1) (“In responding to a pleading, a party must affirmatively state any avoidance or affirmative defense, including: . . . estoppel . . . laches . . . [and] statute of limitations”). Accordingly, since 1938, federal courts have frequently allowed defendants to assert what were formerly equitable defenses—including laches—in what were formerly legal actions. See supra, at 10–11 (citing cases). Why should copyright be treated differently? Indeed, the majority concedes that “restitutional remedies” like “profits” (which are often claimed in copy-right cases) defy clear classification as “equitable” or “legal.” Ante, at 2, n. 1 (internal quotation marks omitted). Why should lower courts have to make these uneasy and unnatural distinctions?

Fifth, the majority believes it can prevent the inequities that laches seeks to avoid through the use of a different doctrine, namely equitable estoppel. Ante, at 19. I doubt that is so. As the majority recognizes, “the two defenses are differently oriented.” Ibid. The “gravamen” of estoppel is a misleading representation by the plaintiff that the defendant relies on to his detriment. 6 Patry, Copyright §20:58, at 20–110 to 20–112. The gravamen of laches is the plaintiff ’s unreasonable delay, and the consequent prejudice to the defendant. Id., §20:54, at 20–96. Where due to the passage of time, evidence favorable to the defense has disappeared or the defendant has continued to invest in a derivative work, what misleading representation by the plaintiff is there to estop?

In sum, as the majority says, the doctrine of laches may occupy only a “‘little place’” in a regime based upon statutes of limitations. Ante, at 20 (quoting 1 D. Dobbs, Law of Remedies §2.6(1), p. 152 (2d ed. 1993)). But that place is an important one. In those few and unusual cases where a plaintiff unreasonably delays in bringing suit and consequently causes inequitable harm to the defendant, the doctrine permits a court to bring about a fair result. I see no reason to erase the doctrine from copyright’s lexicon, not even in respect to limitations periods applicable to damages actions.

Consequently, with respect, I dissent.


_________

Questions:

1.  What is the relationship between statutes of limitations and laches? Why should one, a statutory rule grounded in policy considerations, affect the applicability of another, a judicial rule grounded on fairness?  Both laches and the statute of limitations have the same effect, but they accomplish this objective in very different ways. Should that distinction make a difference. 

2.  What is the relationship between laches and estoppel?

3.  What does the majority opinion suggest is the relationship between equity (laches) and legislative rules (statutes of limitations).  There appears to be a strong suggestion of a hierarchy of authority in which common law and equity appear to be less authoritative than statutory law.  Why would such a hierarchy of laws make sense?

4.  Does the majority or dissent make the better case from the perspective of justice?  Should the legislative will be determined to be just by operation of its role as a representative of the people?  We consider the relationship of law to government in later chapters. A dissenting opinion is an opinion written by a judge or justice who disagrees with the reasoning and holding of the majority.  Why do judges write dissenting opinions?

5.  On what basis is the decision made or the arguments of the dissent based? What authority is used and how compelling is each source of authority invoked?  What does that tell us about the organization of law in the United States?  Would the Supreme Court have been able to arrive at its decision in the absence of these sources on which it relies for its decision?  Why or why not?


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IV: Problem

            The readings were put forward to provide the student with context.  Equity is important as intimately connected with the project of judge administered law in the United States.  It fills out common law in two important ways that have a direct impact on the way that the United States law system is structured.  First, equity is the source of a number of substantive rights and obligations.  Second, equity adds a number of procedural rights and techniques to the framework of dispute resolution in the United States.  Third, equity is an important source of remedial mechanisms.  We will examine examples of each in the materials that follow.  The contribution of equity to substantive legal rights and obligations is illustrated by the doctrines (and law) of fiduciary duty—a modern cornerstone of the regulation of corporations and other economic enterprises in the United States. Equity’s contribution to civil process is examined through an introduction to several of the modern defenses that may be asserted against civil claims—the principle of laches, and the defense of dirty hands.  The remedial contributions of equity will be examined through an introduction to injunction and specific performance.

            The cases that follow present distinct and specific application of equity.  The first explores the notion of equity as a basis for the development of concepts of fiduciary duty in corporations.  The second looks to the development of procedural rules, usually defenses to liability, derived from equity.  And the third considers the contribution of equity to remedies, with a focus on injunction and specific performance.

            For each of the cases areas covered below: (1) summarize the rule and its application; (2) describe the characteristics of the rule that make it equitable, and specifically what about the rule touches on issues of fairness; and (3) describe a set of facts that would clearly permit application of the rule.

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1. Equity and Substantive Rights-Obligations—Fiduciary Duty and the Corporation.

As we have seen from the readings, equity has been quite important for extending the reach of the courts beyond the limits of the writs and the forms of action recognized thereunder.  There are a number of important substantive fields of law made possible through equity, and subject to equities sensibilities grounded in fairness. Among the more important is the principle of fiduciary duty.  This has become the foundational principal for the operation of U.S. corporations. The case below is a classic and nicely introduces the idea of corporate fiduciary duty.

BAYER et al.
v.
BERAN et al.
49 N.Y.S.2d 2 (Supreme Court, New York County, New York, Special Term)
April 18, 1944

Opinion
SHIENTAG, Justice.

There derivative stockholders’ suits present for review two transactions upon which plaintiffs seek to charge the individual defendants, who are directors, with liability in favor of the corporate defendant, the Celanese Corporation of America. There are two causes of action alleging breach of fiduciary duty by the directors, one in connection with a program of radio advertising embarked upon by the corporation towards the end of 1941, and the other relating to certain payments of $30,000 a year made to Henri Dreyfus, one of its vice-presidents and a director, pursuant to a contract of employment entered into with him by the corporation. Before taking up the specific transactions complained of, I shall consider generally certain pertinent rules to be applied in determining the liability of directors of a business corporation such as is here involved.

Despite abuses that have developed in connection with the derivative stockholders’ suit, abuses which should be dealt with promptly and effectively, it must be remembered that such an action is, at present, the only civil remedy that stockholders have for breach of fiduciary duty on the part of those entrusted with the management and direction of their corporations. We cannot therefore allow the prevailing mood of justifiable dissatisfaction with some of the temporary incidents of such suits to cause us to lose sight of certain deep-rooted, traditional concepts of the obligations of directors to their corporation and its stockholders.

Directors of a business corporation are not trustees and are not held to strict accountability as such. Nevertheless, their obligations are analogous to those of trustees. Directors are agents; they are fiduciaries. The fiduciary has two paramount obligations: responsibility and loyalty. Those obligations apply with equal force to the humblest agent or broker and to the director of a great and powerful corporation. They lie at the very foundation of our whole system of free private enterprise and are as fresh and significant today as when they were formulated decades ago. The responsibility—that is, the care and the diligence—required of an agent or of a fiduciary, is proportioned to the occasion. It is a concept that has, and necessarily so, a wide penumbra of meaning—a concept, however, which becomes sharpened in its practical application to the given facts of a situation.

The concept of loyalty, of constant, unqualified fidelity, has a definite and precise meaning. The fiduciary must subordinate his individual and private interests to his duty to the corporation whenever the two conflict. Winter v. Anderson, 242 App.Div. 430, 275 N.Y.S. 373. In an address delivered in 1934, Mr. Justice, now Chief Justice, Stone declared that the fiduciary principle of undivided loyalty was, in effect, ‘the precept as old as Holy Writ, that ‘a man cannot serve two masters’. More than a century ago equity gave a hospitable reception to that principle and the common law was not slow to follow in giving it recognition. No thinking man can believe that an economy built upon a business foundation can long endure without loyalty to that principle’. He went on to say that ‘The separation of ownership from management, the development of the corporate structure so as to vest in small groups control of resources of great numbers of small and uninformed investors, make imperative a fresh and active devotion to that principle if the modern world of business is to perform its proper function’. Stone, The Public Influence of the Bar, 48 Harvard Law Review 1, 8.

A director is not an insurer. On the one hand, he is not called upon to use an extraordinary degree of care and prudence; and on the other hand it is established by the cases that it is not enough for a director to be honest, that fraud is not the orbit of his liability. The director may not act as a dummy or a figurehead. He is called upon to use care, to exercise judgment, the decree of care, the kind of judgment that one would give in similar situations to the conduct of his own affairs. . . .

The director of a business corporation is given a wide latitude of action. The law does not seek to deprive him of initiative and daring and vision. Business has its adventures, its bold adventures; and those who in good faith, and in the interests of the corporation they serve, embark upon them, are not to be penalized if failure, rather than success, results from their efforts. The law will not permit a course of conduct by directors, which would be applauded if it succeeded, to be condemned with a riot of adjectives simply because it failed. Directors of a commercial corporation may take chances, the same kind of chances that a man would take in his own business. Because they are given this wide latitude, the law will not hold directors liable for honest errors, for mistakes of judgment. The law will not interfere with the internal affairs of a corporation so long as it is managed by its directors pursuant to a free, honest exercise of judgment uninfluenced by personal, or by any considerations other than the welfare of the corporation.

To encourage freedom of action on the part of directors, or to put it another way, to discourage interference with the exercise of their free and independent judgment, there has grown up what is known as the ‘business judgment rule’. Gamble v. Queens County Water Co., 123 N.Y. 91, 99, 25 N.E. 201, 202, 9 L.R.A. 527; . . . . ‘Questions of policy of management, expediency of contracts or action, adequacy of consideration, lawful appropriation of corporate funds to advance corporate interests, are left solely to their honest and unselfish decision, for their powers therein are without limitation and free from restraint, and the exercise of them for the common and general interests of the corporation may not be questioned, although the results show that what they did was unwise or inexpedient.’ Pollitz v. Wabash R. Co., 207 N.Y. 113, 124, 100 N.E. 721, 724. Indeed, although the concept of ‘responsibility’ is firmly fixed in the law, it is only in a most unusual and extraordinary case that directors are held liable for negligence in the absence of fraud, or improper motive, or personal interest.

The ‘business judgment rule’, however, yields to the rule of undivided loyalty. This great rule of law is designed ‘to avoid the possibility of fraud and to avoid the temptation of self-interest.’ Conway, J., in Matter of Ryan’s Will, 291 N.Y. 376, 406, 52 N.E.2d 909, 923. It is ‘designed to obliterate all divided loyalties which may creep into a fiduciary relation * * *.’ Thacher, J., in City Bank Farmers Trust Co. v. Cannon, 291 N.Y. 125, 132, 51 N.E.2d 674, 676. ‘Included within its scope is every situation in which a trustee chooses to deal with another in such close relation with the trustee that possible advantage to such other person might influence, consciously or unconsciously, the judgment of the trustee * * *.’ Lehman, Ch. J., in Albright v. Jefferson County National Bank, 292 N.Y. 31, 39, 53 N.E.2d 753, 756. The dealings of a director with the corporation for which he is the fiduciary are therefore viewed ‘with jealousy by the courts.’ Globe Woolen Co. v. Utica Gas & Electric Co., 224 N.Y. 483, 121 N.E. 378, 380. Such personal transactions of directors with their corporations, such transactions as may tend to produce a conflict between self-interest  *7 and fiduciary obligation, are, when challenged, examined with the most scrupulous care, and if there is any evidence of improvidence or oppression, any indication of unfairness or undue advantage, the transactions will be voided. Sage v. Culver, 147 N.Y. 241, 247, 41 N.E. 513, 514. See also Everett v. Phillips, 288 N.Y. 227, 43 N.E.2d 18; Gerdes v. Reynolds, 281 N.Y. 180, 22 N.E.2d 331. ‘Their dealings with the corporation are subjected to rigorous scrutiny and where any of their contracts or engagements with the corporation are challenged the burden is on the director not only to prove the good faith of the transaction but also to show its inherent fairness from the viewpoint of the corporation and those interested therein.’ Pepper v. Litton, 308 U.S. 295, 306, 60 S.Ct. 238, 245, 84 L.Ed. 281.

While there is a high moral purpose implicit in this transcendent fiduciary principle of undivided loyalty, it has back of it a profound understanding of human nature and of its frailties. It actually accomplishes a practical, beneficent purpose. It tends to prevent a clouded conception of fidelity that blurs the vision. It preserves the free exercise of judgment uncontaminated by the dross of divided allegiance or self-interest. It prevents the operation of an influence that may be indirect but that is all the more potent for that reason. The law has set its face firmly against undermining ‘the rule of undivided loyalty by the ‘disintegrating erosion’ of particular exceptions.’ Meinhard v. Salmon, 249 N.Y. 458, 464, 164 N.E. 545, 546, 62 A.L.R. 1.

The first, or ‘advertising’, cause of action charges the directors with negligence, waste and improvidence in embarking the corporation upon a radio advertising program beginning in 1942 and costing about $1,000,000 a year. It is further charged that they were negligent in selecting the type of program and in renewing the radio contract for 1943. More serious than these allegations is the charge that the directors were motivated by a noncorporate purpose in causing the radio program to be undertaken and in expending large sums of money therefor. It is claimed that this radio advertising was for the benefit of Miss Jean Tennyson, one of the singers on the program, who in private life is Mrs. Camille Dreyfus, the wife of the president of the company and one of its directors; that it was undertaken to ‘further, foster and subsidize her career’; to ‘furnish a vehicle’ for her talents.

Eliminating for the moment the part played by Miss Tennyson in the radio advertising campaign, it is clear that the character of the advertising, the amount to be expended therefor, and the manner in which it should be used, are all matters of business judgment and rest peculiarly within the discretion of the board of directors. Under the authorities previously cited, it is not, generally speaking, the function of a court of equity to review these matters or even to consider them. Had the wife of the president of the company not been involved, the advertising cause of action could have been disposed of summarily. Her connection with the program, however, makes it necessary to go into the facts in some detail.

Before 1942 the company had not resorted to radio advertising. While it had never maintained a fixed advertising budget, the company had, through its advertising department, spent substantial sums of money for advertising purposes. In 1941, for example, the advertising expense was $683,000, as against net sales for that year of $62,277,000 and net profits (before taxes) of $13,972,000. The advertising was at all times directed towards the creation of a consumer preference which would compel or induce the various trade elements linking the corporation to the consumer to label the corporation’s products so that the consumer would know he was buying the material he wanted. The company had always claimed that its products, which it had called or labeled ‘Celanese’, were different from rayon, chemically and physically; that its products had qualities, special and unique, which made them superior to rayon. The company had never called or designated its products as rayon.

As far back as ten years ago, a radio program was considered, but it did not seem attractive. In 1937, the Federal Trade Commission promulgated a rule, the effect of which was to require all celanese products to be designated and labeled rayon. The name ‘Celanese’ could no longer be used alone. The products had to be called or labeled ‘rayon’ or ‘celanese rayon’. This gave the directors much concern. As one of them expressed it, ‘When we were compelled to put our product under the same umbrella with rayon rather than being left outside as a separate product, a thermo-plastic such as nylon is, we believed we were being treated in an unfair manner and that it was up to us, however, to do the best we could to circumvent the situation in which we found ourselves. * * * All manner of things were considered but there seemed only one thing we could do. We could either multiply our current advertising and our method of advertising in the same mediums we had been using, or we could go into radio’.

The directors, in considering the matter informally, but not collectively as a board, decided towards the end of 1941 to resort to the radio and to have the company go on the air with a dignified program of fine music, the kind of program which they felt would be in keeping with what they believed to be the beauty and superior quality of their products. The radio program was not adopted on the spur of the moment or at the whim of the directors. They acted after studies reported to them, made by the advertising department, beginning in 1939. A radio consultant was employed to advise as to time and station. An advertising agency of national repute was engaged to take charge of the formulation and production of the program. It was decided to expend about $1,000,000 a year, but the commitments were to be subject to cancellation every thirteen weeks, so that the maximum obligation of the company would be not more than $250,000.

So far, there is nothing on which to base any claim of breach of fiduciary duty. Some care, diligence and prudence were exercised by these directors before they committed the company to the radio program. It was for the directors to determine whether they would resort to radio advertising; it was for them to conclude how much to spend; it was for them to decide the kind of program they would use. It would be an unwarranted act of interference for any court to attempt to substitute its judgment on these points for that of the directors, honestly arrived at. The expenditure was not reckless or unconscionable. Indeed, it bore a fair relationship to the total amount of net sales and to the earnings of the company. The fact that the company had offers of more business than it could handle did not, in law, preclude advertising. Many corporations not now doing any business in their products because of emergency conditions advertise those products extensively in order to preserve the good will, the public interest, during the war period. The fact that the company’s product may not now be identifiable did not bar advertising calculated to induce consumer demand for such identification. That a program of classical and semiclassical music was selected, rather than a variety program, or a news commentator program, furnishes no ground for legal complaint. True, variety programs have a wider popular appeal than do musicals, but it would be a very sad thing if the former were the only kind of radio programs to be used. Some of the largest industrial concerns in the country have recognized this and have maintained fine musical programs on the radio for many years.

Now we have to take up an unfortunate incident, one which cannot be viewed with the complacency displayed by some of the directors of the company. This is not a closely held family corporation. The Doctors Dreyfus and their families own about 135,000 shares of common stock, the other directors about 10,000 shares out of a total outstanding issue of 1,376,500 shares. Some of these other directors were originally employed by Dr. Camille Dreyfus, the president of the company. His wife, to whom he has been married for about twelve years, is known professionally as Miss Jean Tennyson and is a singer of wide experience.

Dr. Dreyfus, as was natural, consulted his wife about the proposed radio program; he also asked the advertising agency, that had been retained, to confer with her about it. She suggested the names of the artists, all stars of the Metropolitan Opera Company, and the name of the conductor, prominent in his field. She also offered her own services as a paid artist. All of her suggestions as to personnel were adopted by the advertising agency. While the record shows Miss Tennyson to be a competent singer, there is nothing to indicate that she was indispensable or essential to the success of the program. She received $500 an evening. It would be far-fetched to suggest that the directors caused the company to incur large expenditures for radio advertising to enable the president’s wife to make $24,000 in 1942 and $20,500 in 1943.

Of course it is not improper to appoint relatives of officers or directors to responsible positions in a company. But where a close relative of the chief executive officer of a corporation, and one of its dominant directors, takes a position closely associated with a new and expensive field of activity, the motives of the directors are likely to be questioned. The board would be placed in a position where selfish, personal interests might be in conflict with the duty it owed to the corporation. That being so, the entire transaction, if challenged in the courts, must be subjected to the most rigorous scrutiny to determine whether the action of the directors was intended or calculated ‘to subserve some outside purpose, regardless of the consequences to the company, and in a manner inconsistent with its interests.’ Gamble v. Queens County Water Co., 123 N.Y. 91, 99, 25 N.E. 201, 202, 9 L.R.A. 527; Pollitz v. Wabash R. Co., 207 N.Y. 113, 124, 100 N.E. 721, 723.

After such careful scrutiny I have concluded that, up to the present, there has been no breach of fiduciary duty on the part of the directors. The president undoubtedly knew that his wife might be one of the paid artists on the program. The other directors did not know this until they had approved the campaign of radio advertising and the general type of radio program. The evidence fails to show that the program was designed to foster or subsidize ‘the career of Miss Tennyson as an artist’ or to ‘furnish a vehicle for her talents’. That her participation in the program may have enhanced her prestige as a singer is no ground for subjecting the directors to liability, as long as the advertising served a legitimate and a useful corporate purpose and the company received the full benefit thereof.

The musical quality of ‘Celanese Hour’ has not been challenged, nor does the record contain anything reflecting on Miss Tennyson’s competence as an artist. There is nothing in the testimony to show that some other soprano would have enhanced the artistic quality of the program or its advertising appeal. There is no suggestion that the present program is inefficient or that its cost is disproportionate to what a program of that character reasonably entails. Miss Tennyson’s contract with the advertising agency retained by the directors was on a standard form, negotiated through her professional agent. Her compensation, as well as that of the other artists, was in conformity with that paid for comparable work. She received less than any of the other artists on the program. Although she appeared with a greater regularity than any other singer, she received no undue prominence, no special build-up. Indeed, all of the artists were subordinated to the advertisement of the company and of its products. The company was featured. It appears also that the popularity of the program has increased since it was inaugurated.

It is clear, therefore, that the directors have not been guilty of any breach of fiduciary duty, in embarking upon the program of radio advertising and in renewing it. It is unfortunate that they have allowed themselves to be placed in a position where their motives concerning future decisions on radio advertising may be impugned. The free mind should be ever jealous of its freedom. ‘Power of control carries with it a trust or duty to exercise that power faithfully to promote the corporate interests, and the courts of this State will insist upon scrupulous performance of that duty.’ Lehman, Ch. J., in Everett v. Phillips, 288 N.Y. 227, 232, 43 N.E.2d 18, 19. Thus far, that duty has been performed and with noteworthy success. The corporation has not, up to the present time, been wronged by the radio advertising attacked in the complaints.

It is urged that the expenditures were illegal because the radio advertising program was not taken up at any formal meeting of the board of directors, and no resolution approving it was adopted by the board or by the executive committee. The general rule is that directors acting separately and not collectively as a board cannot bind the corporation. There are two reasons for this: first, that collective procedure is necessary in order that action may be deliberately taken after an opportunity for discussion and an interchange of views; and second, that directors are the agents of the stockholders and are given by law no power to act except as a board. Gerard v. Empire Square Realty Co., 195 App.Div. 244, 187 N.Y.S. 306; Knapp v. Rochester Dog Protective Ass’n, 235 App.Div. 436, 257 N.Y.S. 356. Liability may not, however, be imposed on directors because they failed to approve the radio program by resolution at a board meeting.

It is desirable to follow the regular procedure, prescribed by law, which is something more than what has, at times, thoughtlessly been termed red tape. Long experience has demonstrated the necessity for doing this in order to safeguard the interests of all concerned, particularly where, as here, the company has over 1,375,000 shares outstanding in the hands of the public, of which about 10% are held by the officers and directors.

But the failure to observe the formal requirements is by no means fatal. . . . The directorate of this company is composed largely of its executive officers. It is a close, working directorate. Its members are in daily association with one another and their full time is devoted to the business of the company with which they have been connected for many years. In this respect it differs from the boards of many corporations of comparable size, where the directorate is made up of men of varied interests who meet only at stated, and somewhat infrequent, intervals.

The same informal practice followed in this transaction had been the customary procedure of the directors in acting on corporate projects of equal and greater magnitude. All of the members of the executive committee were available for daily consultation and they discussed and approved the plan for radio advertising. While a greater degree of formality should undoubtedly be exercised in the future, it is only just and proper to point out that these directors, with all their loose procedure, have done very well for the corporation. . . .

The expenditures for radio advertising, although made without resolution at a formal meeting of the board, were approved and authorized by the members individually, and may in no sense be considered to have been ultra vires. The resolution adopted by the board on July 6, 1943, with all of the directors present, except two who were resident in England, while expressly ratifying only the renewal of the broadcasting contract, may be deemed a ratification of all prior action taken in connection with the radio advertising. When this resolution was adopted, the Celanese Hour had been on the air to the knowledge of all the directors for eighteen months. Moreover, acceptance and retention of the benefits of the radio advertising, with full knowledge thereof, was as complete a ratification as would have resulted from any formal all-inclusive resolution. Young v. United States Mortgage & Trust Co., 214 N.Y. 279, 285, 108 N.E. 418, 420; Bussing v. Lowell Film Prod., Inc., 233 App.Div. 493, 494, 253 N.Y.S. 719, 720, 721, affirmed 259 N.Y. 593, 182 N.E. 194.

* * * * * *

On the entire case, the directors acted in the free exercise of their honest business judgment and their conduct in the transactions challenged did not constitute negligence, waste or improvidence. The complaint is accordingly dismissed on the merits. The plaintiffs are granted appropriate exceptions. Settle judgment in accordance with the foregoing decision.

Questions:

1. Can you describe the concept of fiduciary duty at issue in the case?  What is the legal standard the court announces? To whom does it apply?  Under what circumstances?  Does it apply to all actors in a corporation—managers, employees, borad of directors?  How would you justify its application?

2.  The court suggests that fiduciary duty is an absolute principle but its application is strongly subject to the facts and circumstances of the case.  What was the conduct that gave rise to the claim that the directors violated their duty to the company?

3.  How does the concept of fiduciary duty relate to the notion of justice in the Institutes? What are the sources of the duty?  What does the concept of fiduciary duty tell you about the character of equity?

4.  Consider again the Apparel Mart problem of Chapter 1.  To what extent do the values inherent in fiduciary duty play a role in determining the liability of any of the entities involved in the problem? 

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2. Equity and Defenses in Civil Actions—Unclean or Dirty Hands

            The essence of an equity defense requires a balancing of the conduct of the respective litigants.[48] A fundamental principle applied by courts considering the assertion of an equitable defense to a claim is that “he who comes into equity must come with clean hands.” Precision Instrument Mfg. Co. v. Automotive Maintenance Mach. Co., 324 U.S. 806, 814, 65 S.Ct. 993, 89 L.Ed. 1381 (1945).  The principle is connected to basic notions of fairness that are central to equity.

            We have treated the equitable defense of laches earlier in the chapter. Sometimes connected to laches defenses is the defense of unclean hands, another equitable defense, also requires a court to weigh the effects of the conduct of the parties and determine the extent to which that conduct might make the prosecution of the case unfair. What policies might be involved in the argument over the applicability of laches in the case that follows?  To what extent is the case about laches or unclean hands?  Are the facts required to be raised to support such claims related and if so in what ways?  Unclean hands, like laches,  require a court to consider the conduct of the parties, and to determine the effect of bad conduct on the assertion of claims.  The doctrine has found broad application, not merely in the context of traditional civil cases between private individuals, but also with respect to new statutory causes of action. Consider the importance of unclean hands in the case that follows:

James DUNLOP–McCULLEN,
v.
LOCAL 1–S, AFL–CIO–CLC; et al.
149 F.3d 85 (2nd Cir, 1998)

Opinion
PARKER, Circuit Judge.

James Dunlop–McCullen, pro se, appeals from a judgment of the United States District Court for the Southern District of New York (Peter K. Leisure, Judge ) denying him leave to file a verified complaint pursuant to 29 U.S.C. § 501(b). We vacate the judgment and remand to the district court for proceedings consistent with this opinion.

I. BACKGROUND

On January 13, 1997, Dunlop–McCullen sought leave to file verified complaint pursuant to § 501(b) of the Labor–Management Reporting and Disclosure Act (“LMRDA”) of 1959, 29 U.S.C. § 501(b), against Local 1–S, AFL–CIO–CLC (the “Union” or the “Local”) and seven union officials: . . .  (collectively “Defendants”). In his application to the district court, Dunlop–McCullen, chairperson of the Union's Executive Board, contended that defendants had breached their fiduciary duties by wastefully and improperly spending the Union's money, and that his formal complaint within the Union about these breaches had remained unresolved after four months. Plaintiff sought an accounting, compensatory damages and various other equitable relief.

On March 7, 1997, Magistrate Judge Douglas F. Eaton, to whom the case had been referred, issued a Report and Recommendation (“Report”) advising that Dunlop–McCullen be denied leave to file the verified complaint because “the plaintiff himself has wasted union funds, and therefore lacks the clean hands necessary for a plaintiff to pursue an equitable action” of an accounting. Report at 1. Judge Eaton pointed to the fact that Dunlop–McCullen had brought a prior pro se action against the union and two of the same officials sued in the instant action (Pascarella and Samuels), which the district court dismissed by summary judgment in favor of the defendants. Judge Eaton stated that in the prior case “the union mailed [Dunlop–McCullen's] campaign literature at a cost of $1,601.50” and after his unsuccessful campaign for union officer he “avoided paying this [campaign] debt [to the Union] by filing [for] personal bankruptcy.” Report at 2. Furthermore, Judge Eaton noted that this Court had affirmed the grant of summary judgment in the previous case and taxed appellate costs in favor of the union in the amount of $1,037.76, which “[a]s far as [he could] tell, plaintiff ha[d] not paid.” Report at 2. As a result, Judge Eaton found:

[P]laintiff has not shown a reasonable likelihood of success, because he lacks the clean hands which a court of equity requires for a plaintiff to pursue an action for an accounting. As noted above, he has cost the union $1,601.50, plus $1,037.76, plus thousands of dollars in legal fees. If his allegations had any merit, there should be a plaintiff who could come to the court of equity with clean hands, and whose past conduct would give some assurance that he or she truly represented the interests of the union members.

Report at 3. . . .

On March 28, 1997, Dunlop–McCullen filed a verified objection to the Report. . . .

In a memorandum order, Judge Leisure made a de novo determination, as required by 28 U.S.C. § 636(b)(1). He determined that the Report was “legally correct and proper.” Dunlop–McCullen v. Local 1–S, AFL–CIO–CLC, No. 97 Civ. 0195, 1997 WL 272396, at (S.D.N.Y. May 21, 1997). The district court held that Dunlop–McCullen's objections to the Report were “not relevant to the question whether leave should be granted to file the instant action.” Id. The court found that the Report permissibly relied upon the decision in Dunlop–McCullen's previous case “only to the extent of its finding that plaintiff had filed for personal bankruptcy in order to avoid paying a debt to the Union and that plaintiff had caused the Union to incur legal fees (including the costs of an appeal ... which he apparently never paid).” Id. Further, the district court found that the defendants' unclean hands were “not relevant to the question whether plaintiff lacks unclean hands.” Id. The district court quoted the Report in calling for a plaintiff in this case (as opposed to Dunlop–McCullen) whose “past conduct would give some assurance that he or she truly represented the interests of the union members.” Id. (quoting Report at 3). Moreover, the district court found that the Report did not unfairly “prejudge” plaintiff's case because the district court was “statutorily required to render an evaluation of the case” and “in light of the equitable doctrine of unclean hands and its effect on plaintiff's likelihood of success'—plaintiff's objections [were] not persuasive.” Id. at *2. Finally, the district court refused to reach the issue of the Union attorney's conflict of interest finding that the issue was moot because Dunlop–McCullen was denied leave to serve his complaint. Id. On June 24, 1997, judgment was entered pursuant to the district court's order. Dunlop–McCullen filed a timely notice of appeal.

II. DISCUSSION

On appeal, Dunlop–McCullen contends that the district court erred in determining that he had unclean hands barring him from suing under § 501(b). . . .

Defendants counter that the district court was correct in finding that Dunlop–McCullen has unclean hands precluding his suit under § 501(b). . . .

A. Unclean Hands and Section 501(b) of the LMRDA

We review de novo the district court's denial of leave to file a complaint under section 501(b) as a matter of law. See Lopresti v. Terwilliger, 126 F.3d 34, 39 (2d Cir.1997) (finding, generally, that questions of law are reviewed de novo ). Section 501(b) provides in relevant part:
When any officer, agent, shop steward, or representative of any labor organization is alleged to have violated the duties declared in subsection (a) of this section and the labor organization or its governing board or officers refuse or fail to sue or recover damages or secure an accounting or other appropriate relief within a reasonable time after being requested to do so by any member of the labor organization, such member may sue such officer, agent, shop steward, or representative in any district court of the United States or in any State court of competent jurisdiction to recover damages or secure an accounting or other appropriate relief for the benefit of the labor organization. No such proceeding shall be brought except upon leave of the court obtained upon verified application and for good cause shown, which application may be made ex parte.

29 U.S.C. 501(b). Subsection (a) provides that union officials have a general fiduciary duty to the union.1

This Court has found that the “good cause” required for leave to sue under § 501(b) serves two policies: “[1] supervision of union officials in the exercise of their fiduciary obligations and [2] protection, through a preliminary screening mechanism, of the internal operation of unions against unjustified interference or harassment.” Dinko v. Wall, 531 F.2d 68, 75 (2d Cir.1976). Accordingly, we have construed “good cause” in § 501(b) “to mean that plaintiff must show a reasonable likelihood of success and, with regard to any material facts he alleges, must have a reasonable ground for belief in their existence.” Id.2

In this case, we must determine whether the district court, in determining plaintiff's “reasonable likelihood of success,” properly anticipated the equitable defense of “unclean hands” based on costs that defendants incurred in defending a prior lawsuit brought by the same plaintiff. As a preliminary matter, we agree with the district court that unclean hands may be a basis for determining a plaintiff's “reasonable likelihood of success” under section 501(b). . . .  In our view, if a district court determines that a plaintiff seeking leave to file a complaint under § 501(b) will likely be faced with the equitable defense of unclean hands, then the district court may factor this determination into its decision upon the plaintiff's reasonable likelihood of success. Therefore, we think that a determination of a plaintiff's unclean hands is an appropriate factor—though not necessarily a dispositive one—to be used when deciding whether to grant a plaintiff leave to file a complaint under section 501(b).

Thus, we must determine whether Dunlop–McCullen's failure to pay costs taxed against him in his prior action against the Union constitutes unclean hands. The doctrine of unclean hands is based on the principle that “since equity tries to enforce good faith in defendants, it no less stringently demands the same good faith from the plaintiff.” 11A Charles Alan Wright, Arthur R. Miller, Mary Kay Kane, Federal Practice and Procedure: Civil 2d § 2946, at 108 (1995) (quotation marks and citation omitted). We have held, however, that “[m]isconduct ... unrelated to the claim to which it is asserted as a defense, does not constitute unclean hands.”A.H. Emery Co. v. Marcan Prods. Corp., 389 F.2d 11, 18 (2d Cir.1968) (quotations and citations omitted). Moreover, “while equity does not demand that its suitors shall have led blameless lives, as to other matters, it does require that they shall have acted fairly and without fraud or deceit as to the controversy in issue.” Precision Instrument Mfg. Co. v. Automotive Maint. Mach. Co., 324 U.S. 806, 814–15, 65 S.Ct. 993, 89 L.Ed. 1381 (1945) (quotation marks and citation omitted); see also Warner Bros. Inc. v. Gay Toys, Inc., 724 F.2d 327, 334 (2d Cir.1983) (“[T]he defense of unclean hands applies only with respect to the right in suit.”). Further, “[t]he unclean hands defense is not an automatic or absolute bar to relief; it is only one of the factors the court must consider when deciding whether to exercise its discretion and grant an injunction.” 11A Wright, Miller, Kane, Federal Practice and Procedure: Civil 2d § 2946, at 111. “The doctrine of unclean hands also may be relaxed if defendant has been guilty of misconduct that is more unconscionable than that committed by plaintiff.” Id. § 2946, at 112.

One district court has held that a § 501(b) plaintiff's involvement in prior litigation is an insufficient ground for finding absence of good cause. See Woods v. Local No. 12 Sheet Metal Workers Int'l Ass'n, 438 F.Supp. 578, 581 (W.D.Pa.1977). Without invoking the doctrine of unclean hands explicitly, the defendants in Woods asserted that a plaintiff's prior LMRDA litigation, which was found meritless, precluded a finding of good cause under section 501(b). Because the plaintiffs had alleged colorable claims that dealt with issues different from those in the prior litigation, however, the court “deem[ed] it appropriate to grant plaintiffs access to [the] court.”Id. The outcome in Woods, however, while instructive, does not ultimately resolve the issues in this case because the court's conclusion in Woods did not employ this Court's heightened good cause requirements for § 501(b) cases. We agree with the court in Woods, however, that a plaintiff may not be denied leave to file a complaint under § 501(b) where plaintiff alleges issues different from those raised in a prior similar action dismissed on the merits. Therefore, Dunlop–McCullen's previous case against the Union that, as we discuss below, involved substantially different allegations, should not act as a bar to proceeding here under § 501(b).

B. The Impact of Dunlop–McCullen's Previous Cases

On February 24, 1994, Dunlop–McCullen filed a pro se complaint (the “1994 Complaint”) in the district court against the Union, two of the individual defendants in this action, and the Retail Wholesale and Department Store Union AFL–CIO (the “International”). . . . His complaint contained several causes of action including violations of § 301 of the National Labor Relations Act, 29 U.S.C. § 185, and various sections of LMRDA, 29 U.S.C. §§ 411, 501(b), & 529. Dunlop–McCullen, 1996 WL 3940, at *1.

The 1994 Complaint was based on the following facts. In September 1992, Dunlop–McCullen became a candidate for Executive Vice–President of the Union. *91 1996 WL 3940, at *1. Pursuant to Department of Labor rules, he was entitled, at his own expense, to have the union mail his campaign literature. Id. On December 21, 1992, he was billed $1601.50, the amount the Union incurred from his election mailing. Id. Dunlop–McCullen lost the election.

In April 1993, Dunlop–McCullen filed for bankruptcy. On November 24, 1993, the Union commenced an adversary proceeding against Dunlop–McCullen, under § 523(a) of the Bankruptcy Code (the “Code”), objecting to the discharge of the debt owed by him to the Union under §§ 727(a)(4)(A) and (D) of the Code. See In re Dunlop–McCullen, No. 1–93–12859–352, at 1 (Bankr.E.D.N.Y. July 31, 1995) (hereinafter “Order Dismissing Adversary Proceeding”). Dunlop–McCullen counterclaimed alleging that the Union violated the automatic stay provisions of § 362(a) of the Code and moved to dismiss the adversary proceeding. Id. at 1–2.

In September 1993, Dunlop–McCullen was elected the Queens Chairperson, entitled to sit on the Executive Board (the “Board”) of the Union. Dunlop–McCullen, 1996 WL 3940, at *1. On September 23, 1993, the Board voted to void Dunlop–McCullen's election because, according to the Union Constitution, he was ineligible to be elected officer. Id. To be eligible for any Union office, members have to be in continuous good standing for twelve months prior to being nominated for elective office. Id. at *2. According to the Union, in January 1993, Dunlop–McCullen ceased to be a member in good standing when he failed to pay the Union for mailing his 1992 campaign literature. Id.

In the 1994 Complaint, he alleged that when the Board voided his 1992 election and removed him from office in September 1993, he was “disciplined” without a hearing required under LMRDA, 29 U.S.C. § 411(a)(5), 529, and under the Local and International Unions' Constitutions. Id. at *2. Secondarily, Dunlop–McCullen alleged that the Union failed to process his grievances fairly, circumvented its obligations under collective bargaining agreements, committed fraud in persuading members to accept a new collective bargaining agreement, libeled him, and violated his rights to free speech and due process. Finally, similar to the instant action, Dunlop–McCullen claimed that the Union breached its fiduciary duties by allowing the non-member daughter of Samuels, a union official, to make use of a car rented by Local 1–S for Samuels, in violation of 29 U.S.C. § 501(b).

Meanwhile, on July 26, 1994, the Bankruptcy Court held a trial to resolve the adversarial proceeding initiated by the Union and Dunlop–McCullen's counterclaims; both parties were represented by counsel. Almost a year later, on July 31, 1995, the bankruptcy court found from the evidence that “there was no false oath or account or withheld information such as would bar discharge” of the debt and that “Local 1–S was not fraudulently induced to incur the Debtor's debt to it within Section 523(a)(2)(A).” Order Dismissing Adversary Proceeding, at 2. Furthermore, the bankruptcy court held that “Local 1–S had willfully violated the automatic stay” provisions. Id. As a result, the bankruptcy court ordered the Union to pay Dunlop–McCullen $800 in punitive damages and fees and disbursements to his attorney under Section 362(h) for willful violation of the automatic stay. Id. at 3. There is no evidence that these sums have been paid to Dunlop–McCullen by the Union.

In a separate order, the bankruptcy court ordered “that Local 1–S will treat the Debtor as though he had been in good standing continuously for purposes of seniority, advancement, elective office, and any similar purpose” and that “Local 1–S will restore Debtor to his elected office as Chairman of the Macy's Queens Store for the remainder of the term for which he was elected” in 1992. In re Dunlop–McCullen, No. 1–93–12859–352, at 2 (E.D.N.Y. July 31, 1995) (hereinafter “Order Directing Remedial Relief”). Further, the bankruptcy court determined that Dunlop–McCullen “is now and has always been a member ... in good standing ... entitled to all the privileges ... attendant thereto, including his ... right to stand for future election.” Id. at 2. As a result, Dunlop–McCullen regained his position on Local 1–S's Executive Board—a position he still holds.

In the district court proceedings, also in late July 1995, defendants filed motions for summary judgment on all of Dunlop–McCullen's claims, which were granted on January 3, 1996. The district court held that under the LMRDA and the Union's Constitution “removal from office did not constitute discipline” requiring due process and that the Union's “good standing requirement” was not shown to be unreasonable or unevenly applied to Dunlop–McCullen. Dunlop–McCullen, 1996 WL 3940, at *2. In analyzing Dunlop–McCullen's second set of allegations individually, the district court found them each to be without merit. Lastly, the district court ruled that Dunlop–McCullen failed to adduce evidence sufficient “to show that plaintiff formally requested the Executive Board of Local 1–S to institute legal proceedings against Samuels.” Id. at *4. On February 22, 1996, judgment was entered dismissing the complaint in favor of defendants.

Dunlop–McCullen appealed to this Court, which affirmed the district court by summary order. Dunlop–McCullen v. Local 1–S RWDSU–AFL–CIO, No. 96–7104, 1996 WL 614814 (2d Cir. Oct. 25, 1996). On November 8, 1996, the International and the Local each submitted a separate statement of costs in the amounts of $1037.76 and $1063.83, respectively, but only one was filed. On January 10, 1997, however, the Clerk of this Court filed an amended order for bills of costs for the International and the Local in the amounts of $929.66 and $946.65, respectively. According to the records of the Clerk of the Court for the Southern District of New York, no satisfaction of judgment has been filed on either of these awards.

After analyzing Dunlop–McCullen's previous cases involving the Union, we find that the plaintiff does not have unclean hands which would bar him from obtaining leave to file a complaint under section 501(b) of the LMRDA. First, the magistrate judge's Report overstates the causal connection between Dunlop–McCullen's bankruptcy proceeding and his failure to pay his campaign debt to the Union. The district court in the previous case made no finding that Dunlop–McCullen filed for bankruptcy with the express and sole purpose of avoiding his debt to the Union. On the contrary, after a full trial on that very issue, in which the Union's interests were duly represented by counsel, the bankruptcy court found that Dunlop–McCullen was guilty of no wrongdoing that might disentitle him to a discharge of the debt. The bankruptcy court even went so far as to order that Dunlop–McCullen be reinstated to his elective office. We think that it would be inappropriate here to second-guess the bankruptcy court by reaching our own determination that Dunlop–McCullen was bent on wasting the Union's assets in declaring bankruptcy which discharged his debt to the Union. Therefore, we find that the outcome of Dunlop–McCullen's previous bankruptcy proceeding does not provide evidence of plaintiff's unclean hands which would prevent his “reasonable likelihood of success” in the instant § 501(b) proceeding.

In contrast, we think that a plaintiff's failure to pay an assessment of costs awarded to the Union (by prior order of this Court) in a previous case may be evidence of unclean hands where the plaintiff alleges that officers of the same Union wasted its assets in violation of 29 U.S.C. § 501(a). Nonetheless, the Union has outstanding debts to Dunlop–McCullen in the form of punitive damages and attorney's fees from the bankruptcy proceeding that roughly equal what Dunlop–McCullen owes the Union in costs from the appellate proceeding in the previous case. Plus, Dunlop–McCullen received his bankruptcy judgment against the Union in July 1995, more than a year before the Union received its judgment for appellate costs against him in November 1996. Thus, any evidence that Dunlop–McCullen “wasted the union's funds” in the amount taxed in appellate court costs should be counterbalanced by bankruptcy court damages and fees due to him from the Union. Further, Dunlop–McCullen is correct that because the International Union is not a party to the instant proceeding any costs awarded to it in the previous case have little bearing on our determination of his unclean hands vis a vis a new action against the Local Union.

As discussed above, in determining whether the doctrine of unclean hands bars an equitable remedy, courts are permitted to weigh the wrongdoing of the plaintiff against the wrongdoing of the defendant. 11A Charles Alan Wright, Arthur R. Miller, Mary Kay Kane, Federal Practice and Procedure: Civil 2d § 2946, at 112. Where, as here, the wrongful conduct of both the plaintiff and the defendants are remarkably similar in quality and extent, equity requires this Court to look to whether the defendants' wrongdoing alleged in the complaint is of a greater magnitude than the plaintiff's wrongdoing. Admittedly, more than a few of the claims that Dunlop–McCullen alleged are not actionable under § 501(b). For example, § 501(b) provides no basis for his claims regarding the “sweetheart” deal with Macy's or the improper tenure of Pizzingrillo as shop steward. See Gurton v. Arons, 339 F.2d 371, 375 (2d Cir.1964) (“[Section 501] applies to fiduciary responsibility with respect to the money and property of the union and ... it is not a catch-all provision [permitting suit] on any ground of misconduct.”). Dunlop–McCullen, however, has alleged claims that “centrally challenge [the] misuse of union ‘money and property.’ ” Guzman v. Bevona, 90 F.3d 641, 646 (2d Cir.1996) (quoting 29 U.S.C. § 501(a)). Especially in view of the fact that any wrongdoing attributable to the plaintiff is counter-balanced by that attributable to the defendants, the additional alleged misdeeds of defendants are sufficient to permit this litigation to proceed further. Therefore, Dunlop–McCullen should not be prevented from being granted leave to file suit under § 501(b) based on the unclean hands doctrine. Accordingly, we remand this case for further consideration by the district court consistent with this opinion.

III. CONCLUSION

We order that the judgment of the district court be vacated, and this case be remanded for further consideration consistent with this opinion.

__________


If the parties neither raise nor seek to prove unclean hands, may the court raise the issue itself during the course of the trial?  That is an issue that presents itself in the next case we consider:

The LEILA CORPORATION OF ST. PETE, a Florida corporation; et al.
v.
Fareed OSSI and Ossi Consulting Engineers, Inc., a Florida corporation; et al.
138 So.3d 470 (District Court of Appeal of Florida, 2nd Dist.)
Jan. 17, 2014.Rehearing Denied March 5, 2014.

Opinion
ALTENBERND, Judge.

The Appellants, the Leila Corporation of St. Pete; Susan J. Agia, individually and as trustee of the Susan J. Agia Living Trust; and Dr. Raymond Agia, appeal a final judgment, which the Appellees, Fareed Ossi; Ossi Consulting Engineering, Inc.; and Ossi Construction, Inc., also appeal. The trial court entered a final judgment on numerous claims and counterclaims. It denied relief to all parties seeking affirmative relief on a theory that all claims were barred by the doctrine of unclean hands. We conclude that the trial court erred in deciding that the claims were all barred by this doctrine. We doubt that any of the claims are barred by this doctrine. Accordingly, we reverse the judgment on appeal and remand for further proceedings.

I. THE CONDOMINIUM DEVELOPMENT AND RESULTING LAWSUIT

The facts in this case are quite complex. The explanation of the facts in this opinion is intended to explain our holding; it may exclude details that would be important to the trial court in ultimately deciding the various claims on remand.

In 1976, Dr. Agia purchased undeveloped land in St. Pete Beach, Florida. In 1993, he transferred this land to an irrevocable trust, the beneficiaries of which were his two daughters. His wife Susan Agia was the trustee of this irrevocable trust. Despite this transfer, it appears that Dr. Agia may have maintained practical, if not legal, control over this property and over the decisions to develop the property.

Fareed Ossi worked with Dr. Agia beginning in the 1990s to develop this property. This working relationship was not adequately documented by written employment contracts or partnership agreements. Mr. Ossi prepared plans for a condominium development known as the Cabrillo Condominiums. Some of this work was performed by his corporation, Ossi Consulting Engineers, Inc.

In 2005, the Leila Corporation was formed to be the owner and developer of this property. The corporation purchased the land from the irrevocable trust for $5,850,000. Some of the money to purchase the land was borrowed from a bank by the Leila Corporation. The corporation apparently also gave a promissory note in the amount of $2,850,000 to the irrevocable trust to purchase the land. This loan was guaranteed by Mr. Ossi.

Dr. Agia had no ownership interest in the Leila Corporation. As a legal matter, it would appear that he had had no ownership of any part of this development after he transferred the land to the irrevocable trust in 1993. The Leila Corporation, as a stock corporation, was seventy-five percent owned by Susan Agia and twenty-five percent owned by Mr. Ossi. The two shareholders entered into a written shareholders' agreement. Mr. Ossi was president of the corporation and contributed an initial $125,000 to its capital. Susan Agia contributed $375,000 to its capital. Thus, their initial capital contributions aligned with their equity ownership in the corporation.

The Leila Corporation entered into a construction contract with Ossi Construction, Inc., which was owned by Robert Ossi, the son of Fareed Ossi, to construct the condominiums. That work was performed primarily in 2005 and 2006.

During the construction of the condominium, there allegedly was a need for additional capital contributions. Mr. Ossi did not or could not make his contributions, and Mrs. Agia advanced money in addition to her own contributions to cover the shortfall. When the units were ready to be sold, allegedly Dr. Agia and his wife purchased one of the units for fair market value and the other units were available for sale to the public. The timing of the completion of this condominium development unfortunately coalesced with a downturn in the real estate market. The result was a long list of disputes between and among these parties. Because Dr. Agia and Fareed Ossi seemingly had strong influence over their respective families, the litigation took on the appearance of a family feud between the Agias and the Ossis.

Without attempting to describe every claim in the lawsuit, Fareed Ossi sued to dissolve the corporation and obtain an accounting. He also sought damages of more than $500,000 from Dr. Agia and his wife. Ossi Consulting Engineers sought $322,050 from Dr. Agia for services allegedly rendered on an oral contract to provide construction administration services. Susan Agia sought damages against Fareed Ossi for the capital contributions that she made on his behalf. The Leila Corporation sought damages from Fareed Ossi both in his capacity as an officer of the corporation and for alleged professional negligence. The Leila Corporation also sought damages from Ossi Consulting Engineers for breach of the oral contract for construction administration and for professional negligence. Finally, Ossi Construction sued the Leila Corporation for the unpaid balance of the construction contract, and the Leila Corporation counterclaimed for damages arising from construction defects. By our count there were seven different legal parties seeking relief for, against, or among one another. Although the interests of each party seem distinct to this court and this dispute probably could have been severed into several separate lawsuits, it was tried with one law firm representing the parties associated with the Agia family and another law firm representing the parties associated with the Ossi family.

At the end of the nonjury trial, the trial court entered a final judgment denying relief to every party seeking relief based on a determination that all claims were barred by the doctrine of unclean hands arising from actions taken by Dr. Agia in connection with an automobile accident.

II. THE AUTOMOBILE ACCIDENT

In 2004, Dr. Agia was in an automobile accident. He apparently was at fault in the accident and someone died. He was concerned that his insurance coverage was inadequate and that he might have personal liability for the accident. He was sued as a result of the accident, but our record contains no information about the outcome of that case. Because of his concern, Dr. Agia was hesitant to have assets in his name alone that could be used to satisfy a judgment. Apparently, the decision to have the stock in the Leila Corporation owned by Susan Agia was influenced by Dr. Agia's concerns.

At the time the corporation was created, Dr. Agia had not been sued for the accident. It was only a possibility that a judgment might eventually be entered against him. No asset owned by Dr. Agia that could have been used to satisfy any future judgment was placed into the corporation. We do not know whether Dr. Agia owned the car involved in the accident, but if he owned it jointly with his wife, the stock of the Leila Corporation actually created an easy asset against which to collect a judgment.

Even if the corporate structure was created to permit Susan Agia to use funds in a jointly owned bank account to fund the construction of the condominiums, that plan would not appear to defraud creditors or to be unlawful in any manner.

III. THE DOCTRINE OF UNCLEAN HANDS CANNOT BAR ALL CLAIMS

We note that the doctrine of unclean hands was not raised as a defense to all claims, although it was raised in a generic fashion as a defense to a portion of the claims. The trial court seems to have gravitated toward this defense for all claims due to the amalgamated fashion in which the case was tried.

As explained in the preceding section, the steps taken by Dr. Agia do not seem to fall within any recognized concept of unclean hands. “It is a fundamental principle of equity that no one shall be permitted to profit from his own fraud or wrongdoing, and that one who seeks the aid of equity must do so with clean hands.” Yost v. Rieve Enters., Inc., 461 So.2d 178, 184 (Fla. 1st DCA 1984). “Unclean hands may be asserted by a defendant who claims that the plaintiff acted toward a third party with unclean hands with respect to the matter in litigation.” Quality Roof Servs., Inc. v. Intervest Nat'l Bank, 21 So.3d 883, 885 (Fla. 4th DCA 2009).

The pleadings contain no allegations, by any of the parties, that this corporate structure was in any way used with the intent of defrauding creditors. Nonetheless, the trial court determined that the parties participated in a plot to hide Dr. Agia's assets from a potential judgment creditor. The court deemed the plan “conceived in fraud” and dismissed all claims on the authority of Whitelock v. Geiger, 368 So.2d 372 (Fla. 3d DCA 1979). In Whitelock, contracting parties admitted to devising, participating in, or carrying out a fraudulent scheme intended to defraud creditors. Id. at 374. Here, despite the lack of similar evidence or party allegations of fraud, the court sua sponte found applicable the doctrine of unclean hands and determined that the parties “should be left to settle their dispute without the aid of the court.” The competent, substantial evidence presented at the nonjury trial does not support the findings necessary for this legal conclusion.

From a legal perspective, Dr. Agia actually has a very limited role in this lawsuit. He may be serving as an agent of one or more of the other parties, but he has no ownership interest in the development. The occurrence of the automobile accident, for example, should have no relevance to the claims between the Leila Corporation and Ossi Construction.

On remand, we leave it to the discretion of the trial court as to whether it can resolve these various claims on the current record or whether it needs any additional proceedings. Although the claims were tried in this collective fashion, given that none of the legal theories seem to involve all of the parties, it might be helpful for the trial court to create separate final judgments to resolve claims only between or among the parties affected by the particular claims.

Reversed and remanded.
DAVIS, C.J., and WALLACE, J., Concur.

__________

How much leeway does a party have to raise the defense of unclean hands.  Is there a cut off point for asserting the defense? Must the defense relate directly to the conduct of the plaintiff against the party asserting the defense.  These issues are considered in the following case:

QUALITY ROOF SERVICES, INC., Appellant,
v.
INTERVEST NATIONAL BANK, Appellee.
21 So.3d 883 (District Court of Appeal of Florida, 4th Dist.)
Oct. 28, 2009.

Opinion
PER CURIAM.

The appellant, Quality Roof Services, Inc. (“Quality Roof”), appeals the trial court's order denying Quality Roof's Amended Motion to Amend Answer to Plaintiff's Complaint and the resulting Order Granting Motion For Final Summary Judgment, For Entry of Final Judgment of Foreclosure of Apartment Complex and For Award of Attorneys' Fees and Costs, and the award of Partial Summary Judgment of Foreclosure of Apartment Complex. This court has jurisdiction. Fla. R.App. P. 9.030(b)(1)(A).

This appeal arises from a foreclosure action filed by Intervest against The Villas at Lauderhill, LLC, the owner of an uninhabitable, hurricane-damaged apartment complex (“the Villas”). Quality Roof is a roofing contractor that subcontracted to furnish materials, labor, and equipment for roofing, stucco, and other hurricane repairs for the Villas. Intervest is the lender which refinanced the Villas' pre-existing mortgage indebtedness. Intervest filed a first mortgage on the property and recorded on August 19, 2005. Quality Roof recorded a claim of lien against the Villas for unpaid invoices on July 25, 2007.

Intervest filed its foreclosure action on November 29, 2007. Quality Roof was joined as a defendant because of its recorded claim of lien. Quality Roof did not raise any affirmative defenses, nor did it cross-claim to enforce or foreclose its claim of lien. The Villas at Lauderhill, LLC, consented to final summary judgment and the sale of the property, and Intervest moved for final summary judgment on June 11, 2008. The hearing on the motion was scheduled for July 17, 2008. Quality Roof did not file any affidavits or other evidence in contravention of Intervest's summary judgment motion and supporting affidavits.

On July 3, 2008, Quality Roof moved to amend its answer and assert an affirmative defense of unclean hands against Intervest to prevent Intervest's foreclosure. Responding on July 14, 2008, Intervest claimed that the amendment would be futile and prejudicial. On July 16, 2008, the day before the hearing, Quality Roof served an amended motion to amend its answer, which elaborated its allegations of Intervest's unclean hands. In the amended motion to amend, Quality Roof alleged that Intervest failed to properly distribute insurance proceeds it had received from a hurricane damage insurance claim on the Villas; and but for Intervest's wrongful actions, the default would not have occurred and the property would not have been foreclosed upon.

On July 17, 2008, the trial court held a hearing on both Quality Roof's Motion to Amend and Intervest's motion for final summary judgment. In denying the Motion to Amend, the trial judge found that although allowing the amendment would not prejudice Intervest, the amendment would be futile in the context of the case as currently postured. We agree that Intervest would not be prejudiced, but disagree that allowing the amendment would be futile. We therefore reverse and remand.

A trial court's denial of a motion to amend is reviewed for abuse of discretion. See Noble v. Martin Mem'l Hosp. Ass'n, 710 So.2d 567, 568 (Fla. 4th DCA 1997). Florida Rule of Civil Procedure 1.190(e) states that “[a]t any time in furtherance of justice, upon such terms as may be just, the court may permit any process, proceeding, pleading, or record to be amended or material supplemental matter to be set forth in an amended or supplemental pleading.” A court “should be especially liberal when leave to amend is sought at or before a hearing on a motion for summary judgment.” Thompson v. Bank of New York,862 So.2d 768, 770 (Fla. 4th DCA 2003) (citation omitted); see also Montero v. Compugraphic Corp., 531 So.2d 1034, 1036 (Fla. 3d DCA 1988). In ruling on a motion for leave to amend, “all doubts should be resolved in favor of allowing an amendment, and the refusal to do so generally constitutes an abuse of discretion unless it clearly appears that allowing the amendment would prejudice the opposing party, the privilege to amend has been abused, or amendment would be futile.” Cason v. Fla. Parole Comm'n, 819 So.2d 1012, 1013 (Fla. 1st DCA 2002); see also Fields v. Klein, 946 So.2d 119, 121 (Fla. 4th DCA 2007); Thompson, 862 So.2d at 770. A proposed amendment is futile if it is insufficiently pled, id., or is “insufficient as a matter of law,” Burger King Corp. v. Weaver,169 F.3d 1310, 1320 (11th Cir.1999).

Although the unclean hands defense may be asserted in foreclosure cases when the parties are in privity, see, e.g.,Knight Energy Servs., Inc. v. Amoco Oil Co., 660 So.2d 786, 789 (Fla. 4th DCA 1995); Lamb v. Pike, 659 So.2d 1385, 1387 (Fla. 3d DCA 1995), privity is not an essential element of the equitable defense. Unclean hands may be asserted by a defendant who claims that the plaintiff acted toward a third party with unclean hands with respect to the matter in litigation. . . . .

Here, the trial court should have allowed Quality Roof to assert its affirmative defense of unclean hands. The affirmative defense was sufficiently pled and, as a matter of law, is sufficient to be able to prevent a foreclosure. Based on Quality Roof's allegations that the default and foreclosure would not have occurred but for Intervest's unclean hands, Quality Roof need not be in privity with Intervest to assert its affirmative defense. We note, however, that unclean hands may not be used in this case to subordinate Intervest's mortgage to Quality Roof's lien. Indeed, at oral argument, counsel for Quality Roof conceded that Quality Roof did not seek to have its lien become superior to Intervest's mortgage. Therefore, on remand, the trial *886 court should allow Quality Roof to assert its affirmative defense of unclean hands.

Reversed and remanded.
POLEN, STEVENSON and GERBER, JJ., concur.

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Questions:

1. To what extent are the notions of fairness connected to Justinian’s Institutes idea of justice?  What are the sources used to determine whether actions point to “unclean” hands? 

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3. Equity and Remedies—Injunction and specific performance.

Recall the readings from Chapter 3. One of the principal characteristics of common law is the quite limited palette of remedies available to compensate for liability  Justice Holmes reminded us of one explanation—the move from vengeance and the delivery of the offending object or person, to the payment of compensation for loss.  Since all common law breaches involved loss, the premise is that such loss might be compensated by the receipt of money. But such a limited range of remedies was not always satisfactory.  And equity developed two powerful additional remedial forms.  The first—injunction—essentially gave the court the power to order a party to do or refrain from doing something connected intimately to the litigation. The injunctive power has become an extraordinarily powerful tool of courts in the management of the resolution of disputes.  And it has become an essential tool for disputes in a modern regulatory state. The other, specific performance, was developed in recognition of the premise that it is sometimes unfair for a party to stand on a contract, or on the ability to avoid it, and by so doing take advantage unfairly of a situation to would require only the payment of compensation.

The cases that follow serve to illustrate the rules and the process through which courts might avail themselves of, and litigants seek exercise of, a judicial power to do equity in a remedial context.   

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Injunction:

WALGREEN COMPANY,
v.
SARA CREEK PROPERTY COMPANY, B.V., a/k/a Sara Creek Beta, and Phar–Mor Corporation,.
966 F.2d 273 (7th Cir., 1992)

Opinion

POSNER, Circuit Judge.

This appeal from the grant of a permanent injunction raises fundamental issues concerning the propriety of injunctive relief 775 F.Supp. 1192 (E.D.Wis.1991). The essential facts are simple. Walgreen has operated a pharmacy in the Southgate Mall in Milwaukee since its opening in 1951. Its current lease, signed in 1971 and carrying a 30–year, 6–month term, contains, as had the only previous lease, a clause in which the landlord, Sara Creek, promises not to lease space in the mall to anyone else who wants to operate a pharmacy or a store containing a pharmacy. Such an exclusivity clause, common in shopping-center leases, is occasionally challenged on antitrust grounds, Milton Handler & Daniel E. Lazaroff, “Restraint of Trade and the Restatement (Second) of Contracts,” 57 N.Y.U.L.Rev. 669, 683–708 (1982); Note, “The Antitrust Implications of Restrictive Covenants in Shopping Center Leases,” 86 Harv.L.Rev. 1201 (1973)—implausibly enough, given the competition among malls; but that is an issue for another day, since in this appeal Sara Creek does not press the objection it made below to the clause on antitrust grounds.

In 1990, fearful that its largest tenant—what in real estate parlance is called the “anchor tenant”—having gone broke was about to close its store, Sara Creek informed Walgreen that it intended to buy out the anchor tenant and install in its place a discount store operated by Phar–Mor Corporation, a “deep discount” chain, rather than, like Walgreen, just a “discount” chain. Phar–Mor's store would occupy 100,000 square feet, of which 12,000 would be occupied by a pharmacy the same size as Walgreen's. The entrances to the two stores would be within a couple of hundred feet of each other.

Walgreen filed this diversity suit for breach of contract against Sara Creek and Phar–Mor and asked for an injunction against Sara Creek's letting the anchor premises to Phar–Mor. After an evidentiary hearing, the judge found a breach of Walgreen's lease and entered a permanent injunction against Sara Creek's letting the anchor tenant premises to Phar–Mor until the expiration of Walgreen's lease. He did this over the defendants' objection that Walgreen had failed to show that its remedy at law—damages—for the breach of the exclusivity clause was inadequate. Sara Creek had put on an expert witness who testified that Walgreen's damages could be readily estimated, and Walgreen had countered with evidence from its employees that its damages would be very difficult to compute, among other reasons because they included intangibles such as loss of goodwill.

Sara Creek reminds us that damages are the norm in breach of contract as in other cases. Many breaches, it points out, are “efficient” in the sense that they allow resources to be moved into a more valuable use. Patton v. Mid–Continent Systems, Inc., 841 F.2d 742, 750–51 (7th Cir.1988). Perhaps this is one—the value of Phar–Mor's occupancy of the anchor premises may exceed the cost to Walgreen of facing increased competition. If so, society will be better off if Walgreen is paid its damages, equal to that cost, and Phar–Mor is allowed to move in rather than being kept out by an injunction. That is why injunctions are not granted as a matter of course, but only when the plaintiff's damages remedy is inadequate. Northern Indiana Public Service Co. v. Carbon County Coal Co., 799 F.2d 265, 279 (7th Cir.1986). Walgreen's is not, Sara Creek argues; the projection of business losses due to increased competition is a routine exercise in calculation. Damages representing either the present value of lost future profits or (what should be the equivalent, Carusos v. Briarcliff, Inc., 76 Ga.App. 346, 351–52, 45 S.E.2d 802, 806–07 (1947)) the diminution in the value of the leasehold have either been awarded or deemed the proper remedy in a number of reported cases for breach of an exclusivity clause in a shopping-center lease. . . . . Why, Sara Creek asks, should they not be adequate here?

Sara Creek makes a beguiling argument that contains much truth, but we do not think it should carry the day. For if, as just noted, damages have been awarded in some cases of breach of an exclusivity clause in a shopping-center lease, injunctions have been issued in others. . . . . The choice between remedies requires a balancing of the costs and benefits of the alternatives. Hecht Co. v. Bowles, 321 U.S. 321, 329, 64 S.Ct. 587, 591, 88 L.Ed. 754 (1944); Yakus v. United States, 321 U.S. 414, 440, 64 S.Ct. 660, 674, 88 L.Ed. 834 (1944). The task of striking the balance is for the trial judge, subject to deferential appellate review in recognition of its particularistic, judgmental, fact-bound character. K–Mart Corp. v. Oriental Plaza, Inc., 875 F.2d 907, 915 (1st Cir.1989). As we said in an appeal from a grant of a preliminary injunction—but the point is applicable to review of a permanent injunction as well—“The question for us [appellate judges] is whether the [district] judge exceeded the bounds of permissible choice in the circumstances, not what we would have done if we had been in his shoes.”Roland Machinery Co. v. Dresser Industries, Inc., 749 F.2d 380, 390 (7th Cir.1984).

The plaintiff who seeks an injunction has the burden of persuasion—damages are the norm, so the plaintiff must show why his case is abnormal. But when, as in this case, the issue is whether to grant a permanent injunction, not whether to grant a temporary one, the burden is to show that damages are inadequate, not that the denial of the injunction will work irreparable harm. “Irreparable” in the injunction context means not rectifiable by the entry of a final judgment. Diginet, Inc. v. Western Union ATS, Inc., 958 F.2d 1388, 1393 (7th Cir.1992); Vogel v. American Society of Appraisers, 744 F.2d 598, 599 (7th Cir.1984). It has nothing to do with whether to grant a permanent injunction, which, in the usual case anyway, is the final judgment. The use of “irreparable harm” or “irreparable injury” as synonyms for inadequate remedy at law is a confusing usage. It should be avoided. Owen M. Fiss & Doug Rendleman, Injunctions 59 (2d ed. 1984).

The benefits of substituting an injunction for damages are twofold. First, it shifts the burden of determining the cost of the defendant's conduct from the court to the parties. If it is true that Walgreen's damages are smaller than the gain to Sara Creek from allowing a second pharmacy into the shopping mall, then there must be a price for dissolving the injunction that will make both parties better off. Thus, the effect of upholding the injunction would be to substitute for the costly processes of forensic fact determination the less costly processes of private negotiation. Second, a premise of our free-market system, and the lesson of experience here and abroad as well, is that prices and costs are more accurately determined by the market than by government. A battle of experts is a less reliable method of determining the actual cost to Walgreen of facing new competition than negotiations between Walgreen and Sara Creek over the price at which Walgreen would feel adequately compensated for having to face that competition.

That is the benefit side of injunctive relief but there is a cost side as well. Many injunctions require continuing supervision by the court, and that is costly. . . .  A request for specific performance (a form of mandatory injunction) of a franchise agreement was refused on this ground in North American Financial Group, Ltd. v. S.M.R. Enterprises, Inc., 583 F.Supp. 691, 699 (N.D.Ill.1984); see Edward Yorio, Contract Enforcement: Specific Performance and Injunctions § 3.3.2 (1989). This ground was also stressed in Rental Development Corp. v. Lavery, 304 F.2d 839, 841–42 (9th Cir.1962), a case involving a lease. Some injunctions are problematic because they impose costs on third parties. Shondel v. McDermott, 775 F.2d 859, 868 (7th Cir.1985). A more subtle cost of injunctive relief arises from the situation that economists call “bilateral monopoly,” in which two parties can deal only with each other: the situation that an injunction creates. . . .  The sole seller of widgets selling to the sole buyer of that product would be an example. But so will be the situation confronting Walgreen and Sara Creek if the injunction is upheld. Walgreen can “sell” its injunctive right only to Sara Creek, and Sara Creek can “buy” Walgreen's surrender of its right to enjoin the leasing of the anchor tenant's space to Phar–Mor only from Walgreen. The lack of alternatives in bilateral monopoly creates a bargaining range, and the costs of negotiating to a point within that range may be high. Suppose the cost to Walgreen of facing the competition of Phar–Mor at the Southgate Mall would be $1 million, and the benefit to Sara Creek of leasing to Phar–Mor would be $2 million. Then at any price between those figures for a waiver of Walgreen's injunctive right both parties would be better off, and we expect parties to bargain around a judicial assignment of legal rights if the assignment is inefficient. R.H. Coase, “The Problem of Social Cost,” 3 J. Law & Econ. 1 (1960). But each of the parties would like to engross as much of the bargaining range as possible—Walgreen to press the price toward $2 million, Sara Creek to depress it toward $1 million. With so much at stake, both parties will have an incentive to devote substantial resources of time and money to the negotiation process. The process may even break down, if one or both parties want to create for future use a reputation as a hard bargainer; and if it does break down, the injunction will have brought about an inefficient result. All these are in one form or another costs of the injunctive process that can be avoided by substituting damages.

The costs and benefits of the damages remedy are the mirror of those of the injunctive remedy. The damages remedy avoids the cost of continuing supervision and third-party effects, and the cost of bilateral monopoly as well. It imposes costs of its own, however, in the form of diminished accuracy in the determination of value, on the one hand, and of the parties' expenditures on preparing and presenting evidence of damages, and the time of the court in evaluating the evidence, on the other.

The weighing up of all these costs and benefits is the analytical procedure that is or at least should be employed by a judge asked to enter a permanent injunction, with the understanding that if the balance is even the injunction should be withheld. The judge is not required to explicate every detail of the analysis and he did not do so here, but as long we are satisfied that his approach is broadly consistent with a proper analysis we shall affirm; and we are satisfied here. The determination of Walgreen's damages would have been costly in forensic resources and inescapably inaccurate. . . .  The lease had ten years to run. So Walgreen would have had to project its sales revenues and costs over the next ten years, and then project the impact on those figures of Phar–Mor's competition, and then discount that impact to present value. All but the last step would have been fraught with uncertainty.

We may have given too little weight to such uncertainties in American Dairy Queen Corp. v. Brown–Port Co., 621 F.2d 255, 257 n. 2 (7th Cir.1980), but in that case the district judge had found that the remedy at law was adequate in the circumstances and the movant had failed to make its best argument for inadequacy in the district court. Id. at 259. It is difficult to forecast the profitability of a retail store over a decade, let alone to assess the impact of a particular competitor on that profitability over that period. Of course one can hire an expert to make such predictions, Glen A. Stankee, “Econometric Forecasting of Lost Profits: Using High Technology to Compute Commercial Damages,” 61 Fla.B.J. 83 (1987), and if injunctive relief is infeasible the expert's testimony may provide a tolerable basis for an award of damages. We cited cases in which damages have been awarded for the breach of an exclusivity clause in a shopping-center lease. But they are awarded in such circumstances not because anyone thinks them a clairvoyant forecast but because it is better to give a wronged person a crude remedy than none at all. It is the same theory on which damages are awarded for a disfiguring injury. No one thinks such injuries readily monetizable, . . .  but a crude estimate is better than letting the wrongdoer get off scot-free (which, not incidentally, would encourage more such injuries). Randall R. Bovbjerg et al., “Valuing Life and Limb in Tort: Scheduling ‘Pain and Suffering,’ ” 83 Nw.U.L.Rev. 908 (1989). Sara Creek presented evidence of what happened (very little) to Walgreen when Phar–Mor moved into other shopping malls in which Walgreen has a pharmacy, and it was on the right track in putting in comparative evidence. But there was a serious question whether the other malls were actually comparable to the Southgate Mall, so we cannot conclude, in the face of the district judge's contrary conclusion, that the existence of comparative evidence dissolved the difficulties of computing damages in this case. Sara Creek complains that the judge refused to compel Walgreen to produce all the data that Sara Creek needed to demonstrate the feasibility of forecasting Walgreen's damages. Walgreen resisted, on grounds of the confidentiality of the data and the cost of producing the massive data that Sara Creek sought. Those are legitimate grounds; and the cost (broadly conceived) they expose of pretrial discovery, in turn presaging complexity at trial, is itself a cost of the damages remedy that injunctive relief saves.

Damages are not always costly to compute, or difficult to compute accurately. In the standard case of a seller's breach of a contract for the sale of goods where the buyer covers by purchasing the same product in the market, damages are readily calculable by subtracting the contract price from the market price and multiplying by the quantity specified in the contract. But this is not such a case and here damages would be a costly and inaccurate remedy; and on the other side of the balance some of the costs of an injunction are absent and the cost that is present seems low. The injunction here, like one enforcing a covenant not to compete (standardly enforced by injunction, Yorio, supra, 401–08), is a simple negative injunction—Sara Creek is not to lease space in the Southgate Mall to Phar–Mor during the term of Walgreen's lease—and the costs of judicial supervision and enforcement should be negligible. There is no contention that the injunction will harm an unrepresented third party. It may harm Phar–Mor but that harm will be reflected in Sara Creek's offer to Walgreen to dissolve the injunction. (Anyway Phar–Mor is a party.) The injunction may also, it is true, harm potential customers of Phar–Mor—people who would prefer to shop at a deep-discount store than an ordinary discount store—but their preferences, too, are registered indirectly. The more business Phar–Mor would have, the more rent it will be willing to pay Sara Creek, and therefore the more Sara Creek will be willing to pay Walgreen to dissolve the injunction.

The only substantial cost of the injunction in this case is that it may set off a round of negotiations between the parties. In some cases, illustrated by Boomer v. Atlantic Cement Co., 26 N.Y.2d 219, 309 N.Y.S.2d 312, 257 N.E.2d 870 (1970), this consideration alone would be enough to warrant the denial of injunctive relief. The defendant's factory was emitting cement dust that caused the plaintiffs harm monetized at less than $200,000, and the only way to abate the harm would have been to close down the factory, which had cost $45 million to build. An injunction against the nuisance could therefore have created a huge bargaining range (could, not would, because it is unclear what the current value of the factory was), and the costs of negotiating to a point within it might have been immense. If the market value of the factory was actually $45 million, the plaintiffs would be tempted to hold out for a price to dissolve the injunction in the tens of millions and the factory would be tempted to refuse to pay anything more than a few hundred thousand dollars. Negotiations would be unlikely to break down completely, given such a bargaining range, but they might well be protracted and costly. There is nothing so dramatic here. Sara Creek does not argue that it will have to close the mall if enjoined from leasing to Phar–Mor. Phar–Mor is not the only potential anchor tenant. Liza Danielle, Inc. v. Jamko, Inc., 408 So.2d 735, 740 (Fla.App.1982), on which Sara Creek relies, presented the converse case where the grant of the injunction would have forced an existing tenant to close its store. The size of the bargaining range was also a factor in the denial of injunctive relief in Gitlitz v. Plankinton Building Properties, Inc., 228 Wis. 334, 339–40, 280 N.W. 415, 418 (1938).

To summarize, the judge did not exceed the bounds of reasonable judgment in concluding that the costs (including forgone benefits) of the damages remedy would exceed the costs (including forgone benefits) of an injunction. We need not consider whether, as intimated by Walgreen, exclusivity clauses in shopping-center leases should be considered presumptively enforceable by injunctions. Although we have described the choice between legal and equitable remedies as one for case-by-case determination, the courts have sometimes picked out categories of case in which injunctive relief is made the norm. The best-known example is specific performance of contracts for the sale of real property. . . .  The rule that specific performance will be ordered in such cases as a matter of course is a generalization of the considerations discussed above. Because of the absence of a fully liquid market in real property and the frequent presence of subjective values (many a homeowner, for example, would not sell his house for its market value), the calculation of damages is difficult; and since an order of specific performance to convey a piece of property does not create a continuing relation between the parties, the costs of supervision and enforcement if specific performance is ordered are slight. The exclusivity clause in Walgreen's lease relates to real estate, but we hesitate to suggest that every contract involving real estate should be enforceable as a matter of course by injunctions. Suppose Sara Creek had covenanted to keep the entrance to Walgreen's store free of ice and snow, and breached the covenant. An injunction would require continuing supervision, and it would be easy enough if the injunction were denied for Walgreen to hire its own ice and snow remover and charge the cost to Sara Creek. Cf. City of Michigan City v. Lake Air Corp., 459 N.E.2d 760 (Ind.App.1984). On the other hand, injunctions to enforce exclusivity clauses are quite likely to be justifiable by just the considerations present here—damages are difficult to estimate with any accuracy and the injunction is a one-shot remedy requiring no continuing judicial involvement. So there is an argument for making injunctive relief presumptively appropriate in such cases, but we need not decide in this case how strong an argument.

AFFIRMED.

HARLINGTON WOOD, Jr., Senior Circuit Judge, concurring.

I gladly join in the affirmance reached in Judge Posner's expert analysis.

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Specific Performance:

LACLEDE GAS COMPANY,
v.
AMOCO OIL COMPANY,
522 F.2d 33 (8th Cir., 1975)


Opinion
ROSS, Circuit Judge.

The Laclede Gas Company (Laclede), a Missouri corporation, brought this diversity action alleging breach of contract against the Amoco Oil Company (Amoco), a Delaware corporation. It sought relief in the form of a mandatory injunction prohibiting the continuing breach or, in the alternative, damages. The district court held a bench trial on the issues of whether there was a valid, binding contract between the parties and whether, if there was such a contract, Amoco should be enjoined from breaching it. It then ruled that the “contract is invalid due to lack of mutuality” and denied the prayer for injunctive relief. The court made no decision regarding the requested damages. Laclede Gas Co. v. Amoco Oil Co., 385 F.Supp. 1332, 1336 (E.D.Mo.1974). This appeal followed, and we reverse the district court's judgment.

On September 21, 1970, Midwest Missouri Gas Company (now Laclede), and American Oil Company (now Amoco), the predecessors of the parties to this litigation, entered into a written agreement which was designed to provide central propane gas distribution systems to various residential developments in Jefferson County, Missouri, until such time as natural gas mains were extended into these areas. The agreement contemplated that as individual developments were planned the owners or developers would apply to Laclede for central propane gas systems. If Laclede determined that such a system was appropriate in any given development, it could request Amoco to supply the propane to that specific development. This request was made in the form of a supplemental form letter, as provided in the September 21 agreement; and if Amoco decided to supply the propane, it bound itself to do so by signing this supplemental form.

Once this supplemental form was signed the agreement placed certain duties on both Laclede and Amoco. Basically, Amoco was to “(i)nstall, own, maintain and operate . . . storage and vaporization facilities and any other facilities necessary to provide (it) with the capability of delivering to (Laclede) commercial propane gas suitable . . . for delivery by (Laclede) to its customers' facilities.” Amoco's facilities were to be “adequate to provide a continuous supply of commercial propane gas at such times and in such volumes commensurate with (Laclede's) requirements for meeting the demands reasonably to be anticipated in each Development while this Agreement is in force.” Amoco was deemed to be “the supplier,” while Laclede was “the distributing utility.”
For its part Laclede agreed to “(i)nstall, own, maintain and operate all distribution facilities” from a “point of delivery” which was defined to be “the *36 outlet of (Amoco) header piping.” Laclede also promised to pay Amoco “the Wood River Area Posted Price for propane plus four cents per gallon for all amounts of commercial propane gas delivered” to it under the agreement.

Since it was contemplated that the individual propane systems would eventually be converted to natural gas, one paragraph of the agreement provided that Laclede should give Amoco 30 days written notice of this event, after which the agreement would no longer be binding for the converted development.

Another paragraph gave Laclede the right to cancel the agreement. However, this right was expressed in the following language:
This Agreement shall remain in effect for one (1) year following the first delivery of gas by (Amoco) to (Laclede) hereunder. Subject to termination as provided in Paragraph 11 hereof (dealing with conversions to natural gas), this Agreement shall automatically continue in effect for additional periods of one (1) year each unless (Laclede) shall, not less than 30 days prior to the expiration of the initial one (1) year period or any subsequent one (1) year period, give (Amoco) written notice of termination.
There was no provision under which Amoco could cancel the agreement.

For a time the parties operated satisfactorily under this agreement, and some 17 residential subdivisions were brought within it by supplemental letters. However, for various reasons, including conversion to natural gas, the number of developments under the agreement had shrunk to eight by the time of trial. These were all mobile home parks.
During the winter of 1972-73 Amoco experienced a shortage of propane and voluntarily placed all of its customers, including Laclede, on an 80% Allocation basis, meaning that Laclede would receive only up to 80% Of its previous requirements. Laclede objected to this and pushed Amoco to give it 100% Of what the developments needed. Some conflict arose over this before the temporary shortage was alleviated.

Then, on April 3, 1973, Amoco notified Laclede that its Wood River Area Posted Price of propane had been increased by three cents per gallon. Laclede objected to this increase also and demanded a full explanation. None was forthcoming. Instead Amoco merely sent a letter dated May 14, 1973, informing Laclede that it was “terminating” the September 21, 1970, agreement effective May 31, 1973. It claimed it had the right to do this because “the Agreement lacks ‘mutuality.’ ”1

The district court felt that the entire controversy turned on whether or not Laclede's right to “arbitrarily cancel the Agreement” without Amoco having a similar right rendered the contract void “for lack of mutuality” and it resolved this question in the affirmative. We disagree with this conclusion and hold that settled principles of contract law require a reversal.

I.

A bilateral contract is not rendered invalid and unenforceable merely because one party has the right to cancellation while the other does not. . . . The important question in the instant case is whether Laclede's right of cancellation rendered all its other promises in the agreement illusory so that there was a complete failure of consideration. This would be the result had Laclede retained the right of immediate cancellation at any time for any reason.

* * * * *

We are satisfied that, while Laclede did not expressly promise to purchase all the propane requirements for the subdivisions from Amoco, a practical reading of the contract provisions reveals that this was clearly the intent of the parties. . . .

Once Amoco had signed the supplemental letter agreement, thereby making the September 21 agreement applicable to any given Jefferson County development, it was bound to be the propane supplier for that subdivision and to provide a continuous supply of the gas sufficient to meet Laclede's reasonably anticipated needs for that development. It was to perform these duties until the agreement was cancelled by Laclede or until natural gas distribution was extended to the development.2

For its part, Laclede bound itself to purchase all the propane required by the particular development from Amoco. . . . . When analyzed in this manner, it can be seen that the contract herein is simply a so-called “requirements contract.” Such contracts are routinely enforced by the courts where, as here, the needs of the purchaser are reasonably foreseeable and the time of performance is reasonably limited. . . .
.
We conclude that there is mutuality of consideration within the terms of the agreement and hold that there is a valid, binding contract between the parties as to each of the developments for which supplemental letter agreements have been signed.

II.

Since he found that there was no binding contract, the district judge did not have to deal with the question of whether or not to grant the injunction prayed for by Laclede. He simply denied this relief because there was no contract. Laclede Gas Co. v. Amoco Oil Co., supra, 385 F.Supp. at 1336.

Generally the determination of whether or not to order specific performance of a contract lies within the sound discretion of the trial court. Landau v. St. Louis Public Service Co., 364 Mo. 1134, 273 S.W.2d 255, 259 (1954). However, this discretion is, in fact, quite limited; and it is said that when certain equitable rules have been met and the contract is fair and plain“specific performance goes as a matter of right.” Miller v. Coffeen, 365 Mo. 204, 280 S.W.2d 100, 102 (1955), quoting, Berberet v. Myers, 240 Mo. 58, 77, 144 S.W. 824, 830 (1912). (Emphasis omitted.)

With this in mind we have carefully reviewed the very complete record on appeal and conclude that the trial court should grant the injunctive relief prayed. We are satisfied that this case falls within that category in which specific performance should be ordered as a matter of right. See Miller v. Coffeen, supra, 280 S.W.2d at 102.

Amoco contends that four of the requirements for specific performance have not been met. Its claims are: (1) there is no mutuality of remedy in the contract; (2) the remedy of specific performance would be difficult for the court to administer without constant and long-continued supervision; (3) the contract is indefinite and uncertain; and (4) the remedy at law available to Laclede is adequate. The first three contentions have little or no merit and do not detain us for long.

There is simply no requirement in the law that both parties be mutually entitled to the remedy of specific performance in order that one of them be given that remedy by the court. Beets v. Tyler, 365 Mo. 895, 290 S.W.2d 76, 80 (1956); Rice v. Griffith, 349 Mo. 373, 161 S.W.2d 220, 225 (1942).

While a court may refuse to grant specific performance where such a decree would require constant and long-continued court supervision, this is merely a discretionary rule of decision which is frequently ignored when the public interest is involved. . . .

Here the public interest in providing propane to the retail customers is manifest, while any supervision required will be far from onerous.

Section 370 of the Restatement of Contracts (1932) provides:
Specific enforcement will not be decreed unless the terms of the contract are so expressed that the court can determine with reasonable certainty what is the duty of each party and the conditions under which performance is due.

We believe these criteria have been satisfied here. As discussed in part I of this opinion, as to all developments for which a supplemental agreement has been signed, Amoco is to supply all the propane which is reasonably foreseeably required, while Laclede is to purchase the required propane from Amoco and pay the contract price therefor. The parties have disagreed over what is meant by “Wood River Area Posted Price” in the agreement, but the district court can and should determine with reasonable certainty what the parties intended by this term and should mold its decree, if necessary accordingly.3 Likewise, the fact that the agreement does not have a definite time of duration is not fatal since the evidence established that the last subdivision should be converted to natural gas in 10 to 15 years. This sets a reasonable time limit on performance and the district court can and should mold the final decree to reflect this testimony.

It is axiomatic that specific performance will not be ordered when the party claiming breach of contract has an adequate remedy at law. Jamison Coal & Coke Co. v. Goltra, 143 F.2d 889, 894 (8th Cir.), cert. denied, 323 U.S. 769, 65 S.Ct. 122, 89 L.Ed. 615 (1944). This is especially true when the contract involves personal property as distinguished from real estate.

However, in Missouri, as elsewhere, specific performance may be ordered even though personalty is involved in the “proper circumstances.” Mo.Rev.Stat. s 400.2-716(1); Restatement of Contracts, supra, s 361. And a remedy at law adequate to defeat the grant of specific performance “must be as certain, prompt, complete, and efficient to attain the ends of justice as a decree of specific performance.” National Marking Mach. Co. v. Triumph Mfg. Co., 13 F.2d 6, 9 (8th Cir. 1926). Accord, Snip v. City of Lamar, 239 Mo.App. 824, 201 S.W.2d 790, 798 (1947).

One of the leading Missouri cases allowing specific performance of a contract relating to personalty because the remedy at law was inadequate is Boeving v. Vandover, 240 Mo.App. 117, 218 S.W.2d 175, 178 (1949). In that case the plaintiff sought specific performance of a contract in which the defendant had promised to sell him an automobile. At that time (near the end of and shortly after World War II) new cars were hard to come by, and the court held that specific performance was a proper remedy since a new car “could not be obtained elsewhere except at considerable expense, trouble or loss, which cannot be estimated in advance.”

We are satisfied that Laclede has brought itself within this practical approach taken by the Missouri courts. As Amoco points out, Laclede has propane immediately available to it under other contracts with other suppliers. And the evidence indicates that at the present time propane is readily available on the open market. However, this analysis ignores the fact that the contract involved in this lawsuit is for a long-term supply of propane to these subdivisions. The other two contracts under which Laclede obtains the gas will remain in force only until March 31, 1977, and April 1, 1981, respectively; and there is no assurance that Laclede will be able to receive any propane under them after that time. Also it is unclear as to whether or not Laclede can use the propane obtained under these contracts to supply the Jefferson County subdivisions, since they were originally entered into to provide Laclede with propane with which to “shave” its natural gas supply during peak demand periods.4 Additionally, there was uncontradicted expert testimony that Laclede probably could not find another supplier of propane willing to enter into a long-term contract such as the Amoco agreement, given the uncertain future of worldwide energy supplies. And, even if Laclede could obtain supplies of propane for the affected developments through its present contracts or newly negotiated ones, it would still face considerable expense and trouble which cannot be estimated in advance in making arrangements for its distribution to the subdivisions.

pecific performance is the proper remedy in this situation, and it should be granted by the district court.

CONCLUSION

For the foregoing reasons the judgment of the district court is reversed and the cause is remanded for the fashioning of appropriate injunctive relief in the form of a decree of specific performance as to those developments for which a supplemental agreement form has been signed by the parties.

Questions:

1. How do specific performance and injunction differ from each other in scope and application?  Is it possible to identify specific performance as a narrow application of the general equitable power of the courts to command parties to do or refrain from doing something that is inherent in the injunctive power.

2.  Applying equitable principles, can you think of the limits to the court’s resort to the injunctive power?  What do you think the limits of that power ought to be.  Does Art. III of the U.S. Constitution provide another set of constraints?  We take up this last question in Chapters 24 and25.





[1]I use this term in lieu of the more common and  somewhat misleading term “judge made” law.
[3]Indeed, it might be more accurate to characterize the general common law and Swift as a subplot of the story of federal equity power. After all, in Swift, Justice Story referenced the uniformity requirement in equity as support for the application of general common law on the law side of the docket. See Swift v. Tyson, 41 U.S. (16 Pet.) 1, 22 (1842).
[4]See 1 Joseph Story, Commentaries on Equity Jurisprudence §33, at 32 (Boston, Charles C. Little & James Brown 4th ed. 1846) (1836) (“Perhaps the most general, if not the most precise, description of a Court of Equity, in the English and American sense, is, that it has jurisdiction in cases of rights, recognised and protected by the municipal jurisprudence, where a plain, adequate, and complete remedy cannot be had in the Courts of Common Law.”).
[5]See Lawrence M. Friedman, A History of American Law 55 (2d ed. 1985) (“Chancery was closely associated with executive power, in turn with the English overlords. Equity also worked without a jury; thus there were no barriers against the use of these courts as tools of imperial policy.”); Stanley N. Katz, The Politics of Law in Colonial America: Controversies over Chancery Courts and Equity Law in the Eighteenth Century, in 5 Perspectives in American History: Law in American History 257, 260 (Donald Fleming & Bernard Bailyn eds., 1971) (“By the late sixteenth century, and especially with the accession of the Stuarts, the court of chancery was closely associated with the royal prerogative and became the target of opposition.”); Amalia D. Kessler, Our Inquisitorial Tradition: Equity Procedure, Due Process, and the Search for an Alternative to the Adversarial, 90 Cornell L. Rev. 1181, 1203 (2005) (noting that in the seventeenth century the Chancery Court was “tarred by the conceptual link forged in the revolutionary era between courts drawing on the Roman-canon tradition and the perceived threat of tyranny”).
[6] John Selden, Table-Talk: Being the Discourses of John Selden, Esq. 43 (London, E. Smith 1689).
[7]Id., at 44.
[8]Joseph Story, An Address Delivered Before the Members of the Suffolk Bar, at Their Anniversary, at Boston (Sep. 4, 1821), in 1 Am. Jurist 1, 22 (1829); see also 1 Story, supra note 70, § 56, at 62 n.1 (“Equity Jurisprudence scarcely had an existence, in any large and appropriate sense of the terms, in any part of New England, during its Colonial state.”).
[9] Story, supra note 76, at 22.
[10]Id.
[11]4 James Kent, Commentaries on American Law 163 n.d (New York, O. Halsted, 2d ed. 1832).4 James Kent, Commentaries on American Law 163 n.d (New York, O. Halsted, 2d ed. 1832).
[12]1 Henry Ballow, A Treatise of Equity 13 (John Fonblanque & Antony Laussat eds., Phila., John Grigg 3d ed. 1831).
[13]Id., at 13-21.
[14] 1 Jacob D. Wheeler, American Chancery Digest, at xii-xiii (New York, Gould, Banks & Co., 2d ed. 1841).
[15]The worry was that by empowering a single court with both legal and equitable powers, equity would subsume the law, nullifying the right to jury available in law. See Hoffer, supra note 3, at 95 (“Anti-federalists immediately seized upon the proposed equity power to warn against the dangers of uncontrolled discretion in the federal courts. They cited as proof of that danger the absence of juries in the chancellors' chamber.”); Ritz, supra note 55, at 144 (noting that, in debates over equity, the First Congress's “overriding consideration...was trial by jury, not applicable law” (footnote omitted)).
[16]With respect to the Constitutional Convention, Hoffer notes the “relative absence of controversy over equity at the convention” and suggests that there was “a generally perceived need [for federal courts to have equity power] among the delegates.” Hoffer, supra note 3, at 96-97. Alexander Hamilton observed the necessity of federal equity power. See The Federalist No. 80, at 480 (Clinton Rossiter ed., 1961) (“There is hardly a subject of litigation between individuals which may not involve those ingredients of fraud, accident, trust, or hardship, which would render the matter an object of equitable rather than of legal jurisdiction....”).
[17] See Wythe Holt, “To Establish Justice”: Politics, the Judiciary Act of 1789, and the Invention of the Federal Courts, 1989 Duke L.J. 1421, 1460 (“Little space in members' sparse notes of the Convention's debates...is devoted to the judiciary branch....”).
[18] U.S. Const. art. III, § 2.
[19] Judiciary Act of 1789, ch. 20, § 11, 1 Stat. 73, 78.
[20]Id. § 16, 1 Stat. at 82. Section 16 codified the longstanding limitation on chancery jurisdiction. See Mayer v. Foulkrod, 16 F. Cas. 1231, 1233 (C.C.E.D. Pa. 1823) (No. 9341) (observing that “the sixteenth section of the judiciary law...does no more than affirm the general principle[s]” that “regulate the jurisdiction of a court of chancery”).
[21]Rules & Orders of the Supreme Court of the U.S., 5 U.S. (1 Cranch), at xvi (1804) (Rule VII, dated Aug. 8, 1791).
[22] United States v. Howland, 17 U.S. (4 Wheat.) 108 (1819).
[23]Id., at 115.
[24]Id., at 109.
[25] Howland, 17 U.S. (4 Wheat.) at 115.
[26]Rules of Practice for the Courts of Equity of the United States, 20 U.S. (7 Wheat.), at xiii, r.33; see also Rules of Practice for the Courts of Equity in the United States, 42 U.S. (3 How.), at lxix, r. 90 (requiring that, absent an applicable rule, federal courts “be regulated by the present practice of the High Court of Chancery in England”).
[27] 4 Reg. Deb. 364 (1828) (statement of Sen. Rowan). . . .
[28]This has been called the “equitable remedial rights doctrine.” See 19 Charles Alan Wright, Arthur R. Miller & Edward H. Cooper, Federal Practice and Procedure § 4513 (2d ed. 1996) (recognizing that, historically, “in some circumstances federal equity courts could grant equitable relief that was not available in the courts of the forum state”). The existence of this doctrine was discussed and questioned in the years following Guaranty Trust Co. v. York, presumably because that opinion seemed to disclaim the existence of a federal decisional law of equitable remedies. See, e.g., Note, Problems of Parallel State and Federal Remedies, 71 Harv. L. Rev. 513, 518-19 (1958); Note, The Equitable Remedial Doctrine: Past and Present, 67 Harv. L. Rev. 836, 843-45 (1954).
[29] Judiciary Act of 1789, ch. 20, §16, 1 Stat. 73, 82.
[30] [Robinson v. Campbell, 16 U.S. (3 Wheat.)] 212, 222-223 (1818).
[31]Lamson v. Mix, 14 F. Cas. 1055, 1056 (C.C.S.D.N.Y. 1837) (No. 8034) (citing Robinson v. Campbell, 16 U.S. (3 Wheat.) 212 (1818)). For other circuit court opinions following the Robinson rule, see Mayer v. Foulkrod, 16 F. Cas. 1231, 1235 (C.C.E.D. Pa. 1823) (No. 9341), and Bean v. Smith, 2 F. Cas. 1143, 1150 (C.C.D.R.I. 1821) (No. 1174). As discussed in Part II.C, infra, not all lower federal court judges were inclined to apply uniform equity principles.
[32]See Hanna v. Plumer, 380 U.S. 460, 468 (1965) (applying the “outcome-determination” test of Guaranty Trust in light of the “twin aims of the Erie rule: discouragement of forum-shopping and avoidance of inequitable administration of the laws”); Guar. Trust Co. v. York, 326 U.S. 99, 109 (1945) (interpreting Erie to require that “the outcome of the litigation in the federal court should be substantially the same...as it would be if tried in a State court”).
[33] [1 Story, supra note 70, at 28].
[34]See Oliver Wendell Holmes, The Path of the Law, 10 Harv. L. Rev. 457, 458 (1897) (“[A] legal duty so called is nothing but a prediction that if a man does or omits certain things he will be made to suffer in this or that way by judgment of the court;--and so of a legal right.”).
[35] See Guar. Trust Co. v. York, 326 U.S. 99, 112 (1945) (declaring that state law “ought to govern” in federal court “whether the remedies be sought at law or may be had in equity”). . . .
[36]Id., at 105.
[37]Bracton De Legibus Et Consuetudinibus Angliæ (Bracton on the Laws and Customs of England2:25 lines 014-022, from Bracton Online, Harvard Law School Library (Samuel E. Thorne, trans.), available http://bracton.law.harvard.edu/Unframed/English/v2/25.htm.
[38]Kristin A. Collins, “A Considerable Surgical Operation”: Article III, Equity, And Judge-Made Law In The Federal Courts, 60 Duke L.J. 249, 266 (2010)
[39]Nicely discussed in Steven Subrin, How Equity Conquered the Common Law: The Federal Rules of Civil Procedure in Historical Perspective, 135 U. Penn. L. Rev. 909 (1987).
[40]http://www.nswbar.asn.au/docs/professional/prof_dev/BPC/course_files/Equity%20-%20Young%20J.pdf
[41]For additional insights consider Stephen N. Subrin, “How Equity Conquered Common Law: The Federal Rules of Civil Procedure in Historical Perspective,”[41] University of Pennsylvania Law Review 135(4):910-1002 (1987).
[42]Kristin A. Collins, “A Considerable Surgical Operation”: Article III, Equity, and Judge-Made Law in the Federal Courts, Duke Law Journal 60(2):249-343 (2010).
[43]Id., at 282.
[44] Brown v. County of Buena Vista, 95 U. S. 157, 161 (1877).
[45]Tex. Civ. Prac. & Rem. Code § 16.003(b).
[46]As infringement remedies, the Copyright Act provides for injunctions, §502, impoundment and disposition of infringing articles, §503, damages and profits, §504, costs and attorney’s fees, §505. Like other restitutional remedies, recovery of profits “is not easily characterized as legal or equitable,” for it is an “amalgamation of rights and remedies drawn from both systems.” Restatement (Third) of Restitution and Unjust Enrichment §4, Comment b, p. 28 (2010). Given the “protean character” of the profits-recovery remedy, see id., Comment c, at 30, we regard as appropriate its treatment as “equitable” in this case.
[47]MGM pretends otherwise, but the cases on which it relies do not carry the load MGM would put on hem.
Morgan, described supra, at 6, n. 7, is apparently MGM’s best case, for it is cited 13 times in MGM’s brief. See Brief for respondents 8, 9, 14, 16, 18, 19, 25, 31, 34, 35, 36, 40, 47; post, at 1, 7, 10–11. . . .
[48]Influential commentators have noted that “equity tries to enforce good faith in defendants, it no less stringently demands the same good faith from the plaintiff.” 11A Charles Alan Wright, Arthur R. Miller, Mary Kay Kane, Federal Practice and Procedure: Civil 2d § 2946, at 108 (1995).

Chatham House Conference--Africa's Sovereign Wealth Funds: Demand, Development and Delivery

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 (Pix (c) Larry Catá Backer 2014 (Ekoi, Nigeria, Animal skin, wood and natural fibers))



Chatham House, the Royal Institute of International Affairs, will be hosting a research event this coming Friday, September 5, 2014: Africa’s Sovereign Wealth Funds: Demand, Development and Delivery.

This from the conference overview:
The number of sovereign wealth funds (SWFs) in Africa has increased in recent years as governments have sought to capitalise on resource revenues, and many other countries are considering setting up such financial vehicles. Currently, African funds account for only about two per cent of total assets under SWF management globally, but this is expected to rapidly expand. Despite growing enthusiasm for these funds little is known about them and critics have raised concerns regarding their accountability, regulation and oversight, as well as their political autonomy, especially in countries with nascent financial systems and institutions. If these funds are to be used not just to offset volatile resource revenues but to finance national development plans, then a greater understanding of their management and potential is required.

This conference will consider how SWFs can develop strategies to ensure their performance as accountable financial tools in service of national economies, rather than becoming grey financial tools or parallel budgets. It will focus on what these funds can deliver for sub-Saharan African states, review their demand, development and delivery on expectations, and discuss their role in the international financial system.

The conference is supported by Quantum Global.

My presentation, International Monitoring and Oversight: Africa’s Increasing Presence, will draw from a recently posted manuscript: "International Financial Institutions (IFIs) and Sovereign Wealth Funds — SWFs as Instruments to Combat Corruption and Enhance Fiscal Discipline in Developing States."

The Conference Programme and the abstract of my presentation follow.


Africa’s Sovereign Wealth Funds: Demand, Development and Delivery
Friday 5th September 2014

Conference Programme

09:00 – 09:30
Welcome and Keynote Address
Welcome: Alex Vines OBE, Director, Area Studies and International Law; and Head, Africa Programme, Chatham House

Keynote Address: What Can Sovereign Wealth Funds deliver for Africa
José Filomeno de Sousa dos Santos, Chairman of the Board of Directors, Fundo Soberano de Angola

09:30 – 11:00
Session 1: Explaining the Emergence of SWFs in Africa
Preserving Export Income for Future Generations in Ghana
Hon. Mona Helen Quartey, Deputy Minister of Finance, Republic of Ghana

Form and function: the search for context-appropriate sovereign wealth funds in Africa
Malan Rietveld, Economics and Politics Researcher, Vale Columbia Centre, Columbia University

Why governments establish SWFs, and how to make them work well
Andrew Bauer, Economic Analyst, Natural Resource Governance Institute

Chair: Alex Vines OBE, Director, Area Studies and International Law; and Head, Africa

Session 2: Best Practices for Investment Management and Governance
Strengthening Governance and Building Investment Management Capacity
Dr Victoria Barbary, Director, Institutional Investor's Sovereign Wealth Centre 

African SWFs and the Santiago Principles
Jennifer Johnson-Calari, Advisor, Sovereign Wealth Governance and Management

Measuring Transparency
Michael Maduell, President, Sovereign Wealth Fund Institute

Developing Best Practice Principles: The case of Norway
*Dr Ashby Monk, Senior Research Associate, University of Oxford Chair: Jonathan Rosenthal, Africa Editor, The Economist

Chair: Alex Vines OBE, Director, Area Studies and International Law; and Head, Africa  Programme, Chatham House



14:00 – 15:30
Session 3: The Social and Political Impacts of SWFs
Stabiliser or Domestic Institutional Investor: What role for SWFs in Africa?
Virgil Mendoza, Head of Central Banks, Standard Bank

Political Accountability of SWFs
Vidar Ovesen, Independent consultant on Oil and Gas Revenue Management; Deputy Minister of Finance, the Government of Norway (2000 – 2001)

Is Domestic Investment for Long Term Gains Achievable?
Dr Håvard Halland, Economist, World Bank

Financing Development: Lessons from the Gulf
Dr Sara Bazoobandi, Lecturer in International Political Economy, Regent's University London

Chair: Alok Sharma MP, Chair, APPG Sovereign Wealth Funds Coffee

Session 4: African SWFs in the International Financial System
International Monitoring and Oversight: Africa’s Increasing Presence
Larry Backer, Professor of Law and International Affairs, Pennsylvania State University
SWFs and International Financial Markets
*Dr Surendranath Jory, Lecturer in Accounting & Finance, University of Sussex Africa’s SWFs and

Regional Financial Stability
Dr Abdullah Al-Hassan, Economist, IMF

Leveraging Influence: The International Political Implications of African SWFs
Dr Adam Dixon, Associate Professor, University of Bristol
Chair: Razia Khan, Managing Director, Head, Africa Macro, Global Research, Standard Chartered Bank
__________

 


International Financial Institutions (IFIs) and Sovereign Wealth Funds — SWFs as Instruments to Combat Corruption and Enhance Fiscal Discipline in Developing States

Larry Catá Backer
Pennsylvania State University - Faculty of Law and International Affairs
August 9, 2014


Abstract:

Especially since the start of the second decade of the 21st century once more has seen more focused interest in the use of SWFs by home states — less as a means of projecting sovereign financial power outwards and more as a means of internal financial management, and development. What makes this interesting from the perspective of SWF development, is the role of IFIs in SWF development. This essay takes a first look to the way in which IFIs have also begun to use SWFs in their interactions, with a emphasis on developing states. A review of some recent efforts to establish SWFs with a stabilization or development focus suggests the way in which these funds now may better serve the project of fiscal and governance internationalization, and the development of global policy coherence around the fiscal ideologies of IFIs, rather than as an instrument of national policy. Part II briefly sketches the IFI’s interest in and approach to SWFs as a part of their investment, capacity building and rule of law toolkits. Part III then reviews the manifestation of this approach in the development of SWFs in a number of developing states. The essay suggests the ways that stabilization and development SWFs may better serve financial globalization than the particular interest of states establishing them precisely by transposing global standards of fiscal and governance behavior into the internal workings of states. In this sense development and stabilization SWFs serve as an instrument of globalization from the top down (through IFI policy operationalization) perhaps as effectively as SWFs that seek to project national financial power through private market investments abroad. But it also creates the possibility of divergence in SWF character as the consequences of the use of SWFs as governance devices may produce substantial deviation from the traditional organizational parameters of SWFs as instruments of macroeconomic policy.

"International Monitoring and Oversight: Africa’s Increasing Presence": Remarks Made at Chatham House Conference--Africa's Sovereign Wealth Funds: Demand, Development and Delivery

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 (Pix (c) Larry Catá Backer 2014 )


This post includes the text of the remarks I delivered at that event:  International Monitoring and Oversight: Africa’s Increasing Presence.




International Monitoring and Oversight: Africa’s Increasing Presence
Larry Catá Backer
Remarks presented at Chatham House for Conference,

Africa’s Sovereign Wealth Funds: Demand, Development and Delivery
The Royal Institute of International Affairs
London, United Kingdom
5 September 2014


Ladies and Gentlemen:

I am most grateful for the invitation to come and speak to you today. The presentations by the ministers of several of Africa’s key emerging sovereign wealth funds were most illuminating, as were the global context painted by representatives of public and private global financial institutions.

I will consider one of the more important emerging issues in global finance—the context and contradictions now faced by Africa’s emerging sovereign wealth funds, and the strategies I will offer as a means to resolve these contradictions in contextually relevant ways. I will start with briefly with context and contradiction, and then will devote the bulk of my time to the sketching out of nine strategies that African sovereign wealth funds might consider pursuing.


Context.

We have heard to day especially how key African states are turning increasingly to sovereign wealth funds as the next great instrument of macro-financial policy. This is a move that is supported, and managed in part by the great global international financial institutions, the World Bank and International Monetary Fund prominent among them.

This movement, the embrace of this form, reflects to not necessarily harmonious objectives. On the one hand, the move toward SWFs reflects African needs. Those needs—to manage wealth and the exploitation of indigenous natural resources in a manner compatible with development—are complicated by Africa’s unique history and relations with great powers. On the other hand, it also reflects a quite strong process of increased socialization of African finance within emerging global financial system norms.

International financial institutions play an important role in that socialization. Situated at the center of global finance socialization networks, IFIs manage this process through their loan work, technical assistance and monitoring reports. They operate by reference to soft law systems they helped develop, not the least of which are the Santiago Principles. As a consequence of this work, SWFs have come to be situated among the palette of financial tools available to states, with increasing relevance to Africa. This tool has two particular objectives in the African context. First it serves as a macro-financial instrument for stabilization, development, and wealth management (futures fund) in any combination. Second, it serves as a means of government discipline (not fiscal discipline but institutional in the sense of its use as a good governance tool. This second purpose itself furthers socialization of government into global practices and indicates that in the absence of systems that separate financial policy from the ordinary processes of government, fiscal policy will fail.

Lots, then, it seems, is riding on SWFs in Africa. For all that, African SWFs are still new, many established in just the last five years. They are relatively small, especially in comparison with the East Asian, Norwegian and Middle Eastern funds and thus carry little clout. And the funds are relatively inexperienced in the business of operating as a tool of sovereign investing. Most tellingly, and without much thought or examination, each African SWF goes it alone, though within a network of “soft” connections made through their activities—like this one at Chatham House. And in the global discourse on finance and governance, African SWFs and their managers tend to be on the receiving end of the conversations generated through these networks.


Contradiction.

The system I have described is both well known and well worn. And that is the source of its weakness—it has worn itself out of relevance to the realities of global finance today.

Thus to my mind, this system, one within which African SWFs are being molded, tries to recreate a pattern of thinking underlying pre-World War II notions of single-state based development—the state triumphant in splendid isolation—that is oblivious to the structural changes brought on by globalization.

This pattern of development, and of the governance structures that are its necessary consequence, appears as a vestige, perhaps the last vestige, of theories of national economic self-sufficiency through industrialization as a means to development, whose last great expression was perhaps best reflected in the New International Economic Order thinking from the 1970s.

There is a need now to reframe our thinking. If nothing else, the imperatives of the emerging realities of accepted behaviors now requires a focus on strategies that are firstly coherent with the ideology of globalization (free movements of goods, capital, and services, through non-state ordered private markets, based on open textured, borderless, states); and that secondly can leverage the structures of globalization (creating structures to tale advantage of opportunities coherent with porous border markets systems by states and private actors).

It is to the need to focus strategies that I will devote the balance of my remarks. I will suggest nine strategies that African SWFs might consider in structuring and operating their SWFs within a globalized economic order. These strategies are meant to avoid the circular characteristics of current discussions grounded on premises of finance instrument silos and state based systems that no longer accord with the realities of, and fail to take advantage of the possibilities now offered through, global finance.


Strategies.

The following strategies can be broadly understood as falling into three categories. The first are regionalization strategies; the second are financial objectives strategies; and the third are governance strategies.

The regionalization strategies are perhaps the most important element in enhancing the effectiveness, power and viability of African SWFs as macro-financial and governance instruments:

1. Create a regional working group, a regional forum, of African SWFs. This regional forum can operate along the same lines and in parallel to the global forum established through the International Monetary Fund, the creator of the Santiago Principles, that now operates as the International Forum of Sovereign Wealth Funds. But it ought not to be part of the IFSWF. African SWFs could of course participate as members of both, but Africa needs its own regional forum as a space where Africans can focus on African issues while engaging in the global discussions about SWFs, macro-finance and governance.

This regional forum of African SWFs might be located within the architecture of the African Union, or exist independently. It might be sponsored solely from and out of the revenues of the African SWFs that choose to participate. And critically, it must use those funds to establish a permanent Secretariat, and an African Sovereign Wealth Fund Institute, to generate research, discussion among experts, and provide autonomous monitoring services and technical assistance.

Perhaps the most useful early objective might be to develop and African Santiago Principles—a set of standards for the ethical and appropriate operation of SWFs that incorporate African values and practices as both home and host states. The overall objective here is to get Africans speaking authoritatively about African issues and to break the usual pattern of global discourse where Africans voices are rarely heard authoritatively—talked to about themselves by well meaning foreigners and expected to listen. That requires an African think tank worthy of the name.

2. Insist that IFIs, and especially the World Bank and International Monetary Fund, develop facilities to provide technical assistance to African SWFs on a regional basis. IFIs should be prodded by African SWFs to develop deep capacity to cluster SWF strategies. That capacity should not be limited to technical assistance, but also include monitoring and assessment capacity. Perhaps loan work might be creatively re-imagined within a regional as well as national context as well. The objective is to get IFIs to begin to think and act regionally, as well as within a national context.

3. Focus on regional intra-SWF investment/development projects. Multi-SWF projects, especially intra-Africa projects, may well serve as a better source of discipline through the aggregation of effort and the positive deployment of self interest in joint work. Infrastructure development that ends at national borders are far less useful for the development of robust private economic activity than regional projects. If nothing else the histories of the United States and Europe ought to have taught that lessen (as flawed as those lessons might be). Larger markets increase collective economic power. And that increase can translate into a more substantial political voice in the transnational sphere. On a more practical level, aggregation, with its larger capital base, can provide for more effective investing.

This strategy need not lead to consolidation of national SWFs as much as suggest the power of coordination on projects that may be valuable to shifting groups of such funds. Developing the flexibility to engage in joint efforts with different groups of funds, and to coordinate that activity regionally produces greater likelihood of social and developmental objectives than purely national efforts constrained as they are by borders developed in the capitals of Europe in the 19th century. The strategy looks to the creation of coordinated SWF cross border regional investment in partner states that deepen those webs of cross investment which in turn facilitate the growth of private economic activity.

4. Strengthen and increase participation in non-regional multi-SWF projects. It is becoming quite common for SWFs to develop coordinated strategies and engage in joint projects. Recent agreements of this kind among funds from China, Korea, Russia and the Middle East, among others, have begun to exploit the logic and power of aggregation of resources to meet common ends. African SWFs might also use these vehicles for a number of objectives. First, as part of deals with investor states seeking to exploit African natural resources, it might be useful to tie such deals to coordinated investment projects overseen through the SWFs of each of the participating states. Second, like intra-Africa SWF coordination and joint project work, these activities can be used to enhance governance and fiscal discipline. Third, these provide yet another method of leveraging financial power of small funds, especially with respect to projects or investments to which they would have been able to participate on their own.

If regionalization is essential to the enhancement of the success of African SWFs, macro-financial strategies build on regionalism, and expand them.

5. Refocus SWF objectives to enhance the value of specialization and to target coherence with the portfolios of finance and development ministries. Among the more important cluster of issues to consider in this regard are the mixed objective SWFs that are sometimes deployed either as single or multiple vehicles. Mixed objective SWFs do not seem to do well. They cannot be all things to all people. They encourage abuse by reducing the clarity of objectives and serving to justify more easily than appropriate decisions that may have more importance to the decision maker than to the SWF itself.

Adoption a strategy of significant separation by objective—stabilization, development, futures funds, and the like—may better rationalize approaches to operation and enhance monitoring and accountability. Specialization of SWFs, especially in Africa, combined with regional organization of these specialized entities, would target objectives and leverage power more effectively, especially in global markets in which individually each of these funds may be quite insignificant. These strategies, of course, build on the regionalization that I have suggested as essential to the success of African SWFs.

While coherence requires specialization within SWFs, it requires coordination with other actors that shape the macro-finance behaviors of states. I will mention three. First, competition with development banks results in waste, confusion and duplication. SWFs, whatever their investment objectives must work with and not against development banks (much less the central banks). Second, failures of coordination with state owned resource extractive enterprises produce a weak link in the production of wealth. The passive relationship between SWFs and state owned enterprises ought to be reshaped to enhance coordinated efforts. Third, coordination with government ministries responsible for selling rights to extractive resources ought to be better coordinated as well. The system of wealth production ought to be seamless from the operation of enterprises, to the public policies that operationalize those enterprises, to the investment strategies that augment and manage the wealth production made possible through those enterprises.

6. Reconsider the approach to stabilization and development models for SWFs, especially were governance controls are weaker than they could be or in resource rich states. One of the oddest aspects of stabilization and development SWFs is their quite instrumental approach toward intervention in domestic markets in the context of a global order that increasingly emphasizes organic and markets driven development. In a sense, SWFs can be misapplied as a vehicle for the kind of public central planning of the national economy that is both inimical to the logic of globalization and which has been discredited in virtually every state in which it has been applied aggressively, irrespective of the political ideology on which the state is organized. The use of SWF as a means of governmental direction of economic planning or operation is perhaps a substantial misuse of the SWF form in an endeavor that fights against rather than complements the logic of the global financial and economic rules of play that are now dominant—and to the detriment, ironically enough, of the development that such planning vainly seeks to enhance.

In a sense such approaches to development or stabilization objectives echoes Ancien Regime sectorial protection or enhancement efforts in an effort to approach the industrial revolution in France more instrumentally than that of the United Kingdom. That was a dismal failure though it did produce one of two industries that have been quite well celebrated—hardly enough though to justify the effort. Closer to our own time it suggests the central planning taken to more extreme lengths by those states practicing Soviet economic practices and which lingers on in an attenuated way in perhaps only one state.

Rather than spending instrumentally to subsidize targeted activities, something we have heard spoken of here today, SWF stabilization/development spending might be better used to fund and develop the foundations on which private markets can growof their own accord and consonant with economic conditions in context. SWF development spending ought to enhance but allow the market to determine which sectors should develop, and in what way. Reducing barriers to private economic activity rather than supporting a favored few is a more effective way of building economic strength with a broader base. SWFs that protect bottom up economic development, which manages but does not oversee this development, will likely serve their people better in the long run.

To that end, building market capacity rather than industry capacity better leverages spending. Infrastructure development, well planned, is also essential and good work for the instrumentalities of the state, as are institutional structures protective of private economic activity. To this end, ownership of external operations or supply flows in industries critical to national economic activity and that affect internal markets might be the best way to spend development funds. Even resource rich states require productive capacity along supply and value chains, access to which might be enhanced through SWF ownership or control. Thus the paradox—development SWFs might be most effective when investing outside of the home state and in industries critical to internal development—that is at development choke points in globalized economic activity. The Chinese model of sovereign investing has certainly demonstrated the value of this approach, and its viability.

The governance strategies as well are a necessary element to creating institutionally strong African SWFs well capable of attaining the regional and macro-financial strategies suggested.

7. Effect greater transparency. Transparency has become a standard rhetorical gesture when speaking to SWFs. It has become fairly meaningless in soft law efforts like the Santiago Principles. Yet beyond its utility as rhetoric, robust transparency can be effectively used to strengthen SWF in the delivery of financial and governance enhancing products. Yet transparency is not very useful when understood in its conventional sense as a one-size-fits-all disclosure strategy.

Instead one can start by rethinking transparency as a more nuanced and complex set of vehicles for engagement and communication. One ought to consider transparency in two aspects. Internal transparency is necessary to ensure engagement with national stakeholders (including the political and business establishment) and to reduce an unhealthy detachment from elected officials. External transparency is necessary to ensure adequate communication with investors and investor markets, including IFIs.

Internal transparency focuses more on engagement strategies within states and among the appropriate sectors of the government apparatus. Its purpose is to broaden consultation in the formation of policy (an ex ante function) and to ensure broad bases of accountability (ex post function). External transparency might be better used shorn of any pretense to engagement. Its objective might be better understood as focused on communication of performance and operations in the manner of financial performance reports of enterprises whose securities are traded in securities markets.

8. Detach SWF operations from governmental discretionary decision-making. The engagement potential of transparency must be constrained to avoid abuse. While deep participation may be useful for developing policy, it is far less useful for the decision making required to operate a SWF with respect to specific investment decisions and internal operations. It is therefore necessary to adopt a strategy that would institutionalize deep constraints on engagement by officials (including elected officials) and the political community generally, especially respecting investment decisions. The only exception would touch on Norwegian type SWFs established specifically as a public instrument for leveraging national policy through targeted interventions in private markets.

Beyond that quite specific sort of SWF, constraint strategies would require a strong functionally effective routinization of contributions and withdrawals and of investment decisions by formula and related methodologies. These ought to target conduct well beyond the usually elegantly drawn formal division of authority posted to virtually every SWF’s web site. In particular, the discretionary power to deviate from formula, or to vest a high ranking official with authority to direct specific investment, powers usually embedded in the fine print of SWF operational rules, requires sustained attention and substantial tightening.

Along with these measures SWFs might consider strategies that strengthen internal management controls and oversight, and which make these appropriately transparent. These internal controls ought to be coherent with whatever external controls are developed.
9. Insist on changes to the way in which states with SWFs engage with IFIs to enhance rather than to continue obstacles to better state performance. IFI conditionality, technical assistance approaches and monitoring regimes should better target rewards for good SWF performance in attaining fiscal results, improvement in governance, and incorporation of technical assistance in which states have enjoyed effective consultation. While a broad and politically charged topic, I can think of three fairly direct methods that might be useful measures of success for this strategy. First, IFIs might incorporate investor loan cost reductions (interest, fees and the like) that are triggered on attaining certain performance markers. Second, IFIs might incorporate principal reduction terms for meeting goals alone similar lines. Third, and perhaps most important, IFIs might more aggressively, with the cooperation of African SWFs and their governments, more effectively incorporate international norms on business and human rights as a measure of the effectiveness of SWF investing decisions. This would include the incorporation of the methodologies of human rights due diligence in investment decisions and oversight that are central to the U.N. Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights. There is a great disciplinary mechanism that is transnational in scope and helpful to the people who are the ultimate beneficiaries of the work of African SWFs.

__________

Taken together I have sought to present a fairly broad and aggressive set of strategies to enhance the success of Africa’s SWFs. Many of these strategies are no doubt controversial. Some are aspirational. All are based on the assumption that the application of 20th century political models in an environment of 21st century globalization, in which borders are more porous and permeable, in which public power is fractured, and in which investment operates under the complex logic of polycentric governance systems, will neither serve Africa, nor the global community of which Africa is an important part.


Thank you.

Chapter 5 (Law Articulated by Legislatures: Statutory Law): From "Elements of Law" to "Introduction to the Law and Legal System of the United States"--Building an Introductory Course to the Legal Curriculum for the 21st Century

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(Pix (c) Larry Catá Backer 2014)

Since 2010, I have been posting on the development of a new course I have been developing for our first year law school students, "Elements of Law." The course originally had a quite modest objective--to introduce law students to legal research and reasoning through case law, statutory interpretation, and legal history, processes, and institutions. I chose to broaden its objectives within these specific parameters and development a framing and concepts course that would provide a deep foundation to law students on the legal system they were undertaking to study.
Grounded in the principles of the sociology of law, the course has morphed into an effort to introduce students to law as a self-referencing system with its own particular structures, premises, constraints and language, with its own logic and taboos and its own means of understanding the world. That systemicity (cf. Peter Checkland, Systems Thinking, Systems Practice, Chichester : John Wiley and Sons Ltd, 1999) is then a critical element in the way in which the legal system (in this case of the United States) interacts with the world, both as a legal and as a socio-economic-political actor. The course has also expanded from its original narrow and technical focus, to a broader focus on principles and the use of language and logic to build and operate a system of law. That broadening has made it possible to offer the course not just to first year law students, but also to graduate students in the social sciences and in international affairs, as a grounding in the legal systems that are important in their respective fields.

This post produces some of the materials I will be presenting to the class. I offer these materials in hopes that they may prove of use and that you might share comments, perspectives and suggestions as I develop those materials on this site. Thanks.

This post includes a draft of Chapter 4 (Law Articulated by Legislatures: Statutory Law).

 


Chapter 5

Law Articulated by Legislatures: Statutory Law

I. Introduction.

            “Statutes in modern liberal democracies are mandatory for courts, not advisory.  This conclusion does not tell us just how statutes should be understood or how constitutional provisions under which statutes might be held invalid should be construed.  This conclusion also does not resolve whether courts should be able to declare invalid statutes that directly offend fundamental political or moral principles.”[1]  In the United States statutes do not exist alone—the sole expression of the power of the people to govern themselves. They do not share the cultural and structural characteristics of highly integrated and self-referential codes of law that mark the essential characteristic of civil law systems—systems grounded essentially on the primacy if statutes and the rejection of law declared and administered by governmental institutions other than the legislature.  Instead they constitute just another layer within a complicated legal system. 

            This chapter considers the character of statutes as an essential form of law making in the United States.  Three principal issues are considered.  The first seeks to distinguish statutes from Common Law and equity as to form, characteristics and application.  This is particularly important for individuals seeking to conform their behavior to law and for courts seeking to apply law in disputes or actions before them.  The second seeks to consider how court administered law (Common Law and equity) and statutes work together,  Each offers a different, and perhaps autonomous set of rules.  They might sometimes produce multiple or inconsistent rules. It is important to understand how they are harmonized to at least made coherent. The third seeks to understand the culture of statutory law in the United States—to that end it is important to understand the differences between statutes as specific commands enacted by a legislature, and codes—systems of statutes organized into a coherent whole whose.  The differences are important for determining the way in which courts might interpret statutes or apply them.


II. Chapter Readings

·      Charles E. Clark, “The Union of Law and Equity,”[2] 25 Columbia Law Review 1-10 (1925)
·      P.S. Atiyah, “Common Law and Statute Law,”[3]Modern Law Review 48(1): (1985)
·      Jean Louis Bergela, Principal Features and Methods of Codification, 48 Louisiana Law Review 1073 (1988)
·      Gunther A, Weiss, The Enchantment Of Codification In The Common-Law World, 25 Yale Journal of International Law 435 (2000)

__________

Questions:

1.  One of the most interesting aspects of the discussion of the history of codification of U.S. law, and its failure, is the connection between the urge to codify and the underlying rationale of the Institutes and the codified law it sought to explain.  While U.S. law appears to have embraced many of the substantive premises of law that contributed to the law of the Institutes, U.S. law makers—courts, legislatures and voters—retained a strong and strongly conservative adherence to its mixed system of judge administered law punctuated by bursts of statutes.  These statutory bursts sometimes displaced common law and sometimes merely supplemented or modified it.  The “genius” of the U.S. system lay in the flexibility possible within a system composed bu dynamic sub systems that were in constant communication, and intermeshed, but which retained their respective autonomy.   When one speaks of statutory law in the United States, then, is it possible to speak of systems of law in the fashion of European law codes?

2. Can you describe the differences between statutory law systems in the United States and the statutory codes of European states?  How do these differences affect the way in which courts might approach the issue of interpreting and applying statutes?

__________




III. Law Articulated by Legislatures: Statutory Law

            Our last class introduced us to the Common Law and Equity in the United States. The focus was on the origins of both. That excursion into history was important as a fairly efficient means of exposing the fundamental premises of common law and equity, premises that continue to echo in the judicial culture in the United States today, even as the structures of law common law and equity have been increasingly subsumed within a legal culture more at home with statutes, regulations and other means of governance. These fundamental premises include a relationship between law and the state, the semi-autonomous position of courts and judges with respect to the other agents of government, the passivity of courts (they receive but do not initiate actions), the use of precedent and stare decisis[66]and juries as a means of keeping law grounded, stable and predictable (core premises of justice under the Institutes), and the importance of process as a means of legitimating the role of courts to apply law. The basics of that process at the heart of the common law system, in contemporary language, include notice, an opportunity to be heard, consistency, predictability and appeal to ensure accountability. Equity added a bit of an edge to common law. It more directly interposed the state, in the form of the executive, into the management of law. It provided a means of developing systems for the resolution of disputes and opened the possibilities of more flexible systems for such resolution. But until it was regularized, that flexibility also produced a lack of accountability, certainty and predictability that detracted from its value. More, in its early days it could also be seen as a means of subverting common law at the instance of the Crown. Yet in modern form, it was tremendously liberating in its contributions both to dispute resolution process and to enlarging the scope of authority of the courts to hear private disputes and in its remedial palette which could be used increasingly not just against private but also public litigants.

            Ultimately, by the 19th century, the slow, relatively stable and case based structures of common law/equity started to experience substantial stress in the face of the Enlightenment’s emphasis on the science of management (of people and things) and the realities of the Industrial Revolution. Common law and equity proved less able to provide satisfactory means of preserving social order as social order itself was undergoing rapid transformation. And more important, science brought with it an increasing certainty that principles (immutable―recall the Institutes) of natural law based on reason (and for some powerful actors faith) must be the basis for improving society, eliminating anti-social behavior and leading society to some sort of measurable end. That power to command is distinct from the traditional authority of the Crown to command individuals (an executive or police power). Rather it is the power to substitute for traditional bases of behavior or social rules another set. For that to occur, the state requires either sufficient force (and time) or another source of legitimacy. Since the Institutes, in the Est, that additional source of legitimacy has been grounded in popular consent and in the devolution of power (including the power of individuals to consent) to representatives. In the medieval and early modern period that devolution could be vested in a single person―the Crown. In modern societies, that devolution is usually vested in representative government, operating through popularly elected representatives of the people and enabled to exercised virtually all of their power. Limitations, now understood as constitutional and international law (the superior law of nations and civil law in Institute terms we leave for later. For this class we focus on the oldest and most common modern form of commanding behavior instrumentally―statutes.

            Statutes are of a fundamentally distinct character from common law and equity. Whereas common law and equity are passive instruments applied by courts to resolve disputes among individuals litigants, and through these resolutions adding to the textures and body of law, statutes are “active” in the sense that they . Likewise, while common law and equity are essentially malleable and change to reflect the customs of the people they bind (albeit in an attenuated, formal and sometimes quite imperfect way) statutes freeze the moment of their enactment. They remain unchanged until another legislature acts or the stature is otherwise voided by higher law. Yet there are certain advantages to statutes―they cover a broad range of people, they do not have to wait to litigants to be developed, they are certain and their application predictable, they are accessible in ways that common law is not. Common law must be cobbled together by a close reading of cases to extract the precise form and application of law to facts. Statutes are quite definite in their provision (though they may be poorly written or ambiguous). Statutes can be used prospectively to solve problems, cure social ills or change behavior in quite conscious and targeted ways. Common law and equity seeks to do right to injuries that are both individual and personal. One can mold society in one’s image through statute; society molds common law-equity which it is meant to reflect.

            In civil law states, especially after the 18th century, custom and customary law and rights were viewed as primitive, antiquated, a relic of an old order usually overthrown at the cost of substantial violence. For bourgeois and industrializing societies arising in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, principles of scientific development, grounded in reason, could be used to reshape society and its operation in the most efficient ways possible. The object was to eliminate social ills, but also to preserve structures of privilege which produced the social and economic stratification then equated with a “natural” order of things. When combined with the ideology of the Institutes, the result is clear: in civil law statutes all law must derive form the people. And in most civil law states elaborate mechanisms were instituted to trace the devolution of popular power into representative government whether in the form of an imperial state (Germany), a kingly presidential republic (France) or a Parliamentary monarchy (U.K.). With the legitimacy of popular consent through the institutions of representative institutions and legitimate procedures for the enactment of law, the civil law constructed what became the modern rechtsstaat (the rights or rule of law state, very roughly). There were two significant consequences for law. First, both natural law and the law of nations were subsumed under the primacy of the popular (representative) power of the state to enact a law system true to its peculiar national character (the modern version of this of course is the move today for a socialist legal order with Chinese characteristics). The immediate consequence was that the state, as popular representative and repository of popular power could structure law in any way it liked with virtually no constraints. Second, unless law was enacted legitimately by an approve state organ pursuant to the process prescribed for such enactment, there was no law. Thus no statute no law (with the exception of administrative regulation, a subject to be taken up next). This remains a fundamental premise of civil law states and has been built into the fundamental principles of the European Union. In its most traditional form (something that is changing rapidly in some civil law states as the convergence of civil and common law states proceeds under the logic of globalization) there was a consequence for the relationship between courts and law. In its classic form, courts applied by did not make law; stare decisis was incomprehensible precisely because the sole referent in every case was the statute not the case; and the presumption was that courts logically applying the law under similar facts would invariably reach the same result.[67]

            In common law states, statutory systems never replaced the ancient system of common law-equity.  As a consequence, the statutory state in the United State arose along side of rather than over the grave of common or customary law systems. Statutes were viewed as limiting or modifying those aspect of common law with which it "shared" regulatory space.  Beyond that it had no effect on the continued existence of common law-equity; statutes were enacted in "derogation" of common law. This approach was not unique to the United States--the pattern was well established in England at the time of independence (and indeed in some of the early statutes these were merged into the common law as it was received by the states).  The only exception--and it proved to be a very large one--was that statutes became the preferred means of extending law to new areas of governance unknown to the common law; and statutes were the principle means of regulating the relationships between the state and individuals.   Yet, in those states shaped by common law-equity, neither common law nor statute existed in vacuums. And the connection between statutorily and common law systems was made inseparable through the agency of courts.  Courts, steeped in the cultures of common law and equity, have been charged in the United States with the task of interpreting and applying statutes.  Statutes in this country, then, have the character of civil law pronouncements and their place in the hierarchy of law above common law, but because they are understood and applied by common law cultured courts, the way in which they operate in the United States is slightly, but significantly different.

            The first of the reading,[68] is meant to serve as a bridge between two distinct Americas,  The first, substantially eroded by the early twentieth century was that of the common law and equity.  The second, arising between the World Wars and now dominant in contemporary United States, is one that is substantially the mirror image of the original. Professor Clark already sees the coming of the day when common law and equity would be merged (about a decade after the article was published at the federal level). The article is useful both as a review of the difficulties of the distinctions between common law and equity in practice, but more importantly for its discussion, now rarely considered by academics, of the cultures within which courts tended to operate.  The discussion suggests what I had hinted at earlier, a judicial culture that is quite conservative and strongly attached to traditional modes and patterns of action. It provides an excellent discussion of common law judicial thinking at the heart of the common law.  Most important, though, it suggests the way that courts understood and constructed the relationship between common law and statute. At the heart of the reading is a central issue of derogation of common law after statute: how do courts apply statutes that seek to change the procedure of civil cases.  Professor Clark suggests that courts, a century ago, might treat statutes the way they treated other elements of common law, one that could be understood only when naturalized within the web of case law into which it was inserted. This is about as far form a civil law sensibility as may be possible. 

            Professor Clark suggests that statutes ought to be treated with substantially more deference; that they ought to be applied without reference to or interpretation within the body of case law in to which it was inserted. Professor appeals to an interpretation that starts with the intention of the framers rather than the common law against which it was written (p. 3) and he appeals as well to common law sensibilities, suggesting earlier cases might have gotten the interpretation and application of the Code right (pp. 3-5). He further appeals to an interpretation of the statute based on its inherent logic and the policy it was meant to further when the Code is considered as a whole (pp. 6-7; 8-9), rather than relying on judicial interpretation.  This is a very distinctive approach to deriving law:  rather than focus on the aggregation of judicial opinion to construct an expression of the law (common law classic) Professor Clark would start with the code as a self referencing work, whose logic and meaning must be found within its language, specific language at issue, the meaning of the provision in which it is written and the policies furthering the statute as a whole. Yet at the end, Professor Clark relies, as a good common law lawyer must, on argument deduced form the cases within which the statute and its logic must be found to fit.  Statute exists within the common law and perhaps in derogation thereof, but not apart. This approach will change substantially in the century that follows as statutes first are treated as independent and superior to common law and then statutes increasingly exist in areas in which there is no common law to fall back on.  Still, the forms of reasoning for courts will not change much and the techniques once applied to cases will be applied to statutes as well.

            The second of our readings,[69] touches on the heart of the matter considered today--the relationship between statute and common law in Anglo-American systems. Atiyah askes:

    The question concerns the relationship between the common law and statute law. Does our law constitute, in some sense, a single coherent, integral body of law, or does it consist of two separate entities, two streams running on parallel lines one of which occasionally feeds into the other, but which are destined for ever to retain their separate identities?[70]

This he believes is important in order to understand the way two distinct and developing bodies of law operate within a single legal system.  That is an issue as much for the United States as the United Kingdom.

            Professor Atiyah first reminds the student of the fundamental difference between statute in common law systems and those of civil law states--statutes are discrete legislative actions, even when they propose a fairly well integrated regulatory scheme (corporate regulation for example).  Statues in common law states are not integrated into a substantially self contained system, such as the Code Napoleon or the Germain Civil Code. Rather they are embedded into a system that includes and generates other statutes and further development of common law (in the form of rules, standards and applications of the statute itself).  In this they resemble case law but with a different character (p.2). Professor Atiyah then suggests three examples of the interwovenness of statuette and common law. The first are statutes that adopt a very broad textured type of language which requires courts to "fill in the gaps" through case law (p. 3).  The second are statutes that confer discretion on the courts  to resolve conflicts or disputes according to some specified formula, or more dangerously as is "just as equitable."  He uses the example of the English matrimonial property statutes. Students should consider why Professor Atiyeh view statutes of this kind with some concern.[71].

    The proliferation of these discretions appears to me to arise at least in part from the realisation that legislation, even when fleshed out by detailed subordinate legislation, simply cannot anticipate and provide for the great variety of cases which are likely to arise; and that Parliament therefore prefers to proceed in partnership with the judiciary.[72]

Much of the objection goes to rule of law issues--judicial discretion unconstrained by common law or statutory boundaries can reduce the legitimacy of judicial action. The third, quite common in the United States, are statutes enacted in derogation of the common law.  Echomg Professor Clark's discussion of half a century earlier, Professor Atiyah explains: "When this happens, the Act may be interpreted and applied, often in parallel with analogous areas of the common law, and the legislation almost takes on the characteristics of a living graft which develops a life of its own." (Ibid., 5).  Cooperation generally takes one of two forms--either the courts work to operationalize the general principles by working out the details, or the courts seek to clean up disastrously bad legislation to make it workable within the general framework of the law into which the statute was was inserted. For much of this century U.S. courts were adept at cleaning up legislative messes.  Recently  new ideologies of judicial conservatism has tended to view such activities as too activist and judges have been more willing to allow legislatures to reap the consequences of badly worded legislation.

Part II of the article is used to suggest something Professor Atiyah suggests is a bit more controversial: can courts treat statutes like cases for the development of common law (p. 6).

    Can they justify jettisoning obsolete cases, not because they have been actually reversed by some statutory provision, but because a statute suggests that they are based on outdated values? Could the courts legitimately draw some general principle from a limited statutory provision, and apply that principle as a matter of common law?[73]

These were issues raised famously by the U.S. scholar Roscoe Pound in 1907 ("Common Law and Legislation” (1907) 21 Harvard Law Rev. 383).  Professor Atiyah's discussion of Pound's discussion of the distinct ways in which courts receive statutes remains important: (1) strict and narrow interpretation, no reasoning from statutes by analogy (2) broad interpretation, no reasoning from statutes by analogy, (3) statutes received fully into common law and treated like cases; (4) statutes treated as a higher source of law from which reasoning by analogy would be necessary. U.S. law of the early 1900s had just reached the first stage, as Professor Clarks' article illustrated nicely.  English law had reached the third stage (Ibid., 7). Professor Atiyah suggests that it is possible for courts to give statutes no effect as statute beyond their narrow confines but to apply statutes as a source of analogy or principle to justify changing common law.  He provides a number of arguments.  He then discusses a number of legal areas where he argues that English courts already develop the common law by analogy to statutes or from their principles.  Lastly, Professor Atiyah considers the way in which courts treat statutes that reverse or supplant common law.[74] He suggests a range of reaction--from treating the statutory derogation narrowly not affecting prior cases except to their holdings to those instances where a statute is deemed to require re-adjustment of the common law in the area touched on by the statute. We will consider this possibility under contemporary U.S. legal principles as the semester proceeds.  We will discover that, at least in the area of corporate law, this is already a well established judicial methodology, especially in the area of fiduciary obligations.  Professor Atiyah suggests that certain U.S. statutes, including the Uniform Commercial Code already recommend the application of its provisions by analogy for decisions.[75] We will consider whether Professor Atiyah's assessment of the U.S. system applies in fact:

    For one thing, our legislature is much more active than American legislatures, especially state legislatures. The need for judicial creativity is much greater there, and there is a corresponding need for methods by which the courts can jettison obsolete laws based on out-dated values. For another thing, American legislatures are accustomed to being told what they can and cannot do by the courts.[76]

We will consider this in more detail as we work through the core issues of the American constitutional system and its operation in the area of corporate governance.

The last two reading[77]s consider the crucially important issue of statutory “culture” within the U.S. legal system.  We have alluded to the basic problem—in a jurisdiction in which judge administered law is an important component of the legal system, and where statutes form a part but not the whole of the system for declaring and imposing law, then how doers one approach the application and interpretation of statutes, and what is the role of the courts in that context?  That issue requires an introduction to the differences in forms of statutory systems between statutory codes, and statutory compilations. Codes can be understood as self-referencing and internally coherent systems of rules that are dependent on themselves and their principles for their meaning and application.  Statutory compilations are common to legal systems in which statutes form a part but not the whole of multi-sourced law system, which provide some basis for their interpretation but which requires considerable inter-communication with the entirety of the law, including the common law.  A case from the criminal law may make this point well—the need to intermesh statutory and common law systems to interpret and apply statutes—something impossible in systems in which law is sourced in statutes and statutes are organized as self-referencing coders whose logic and scope is wholly internal.

__________


STATE v. WILLIAMS
Court of Appeals of Washington
4 Wash.App. 908, 484 P.2d 1167 (1971)

            HOROWITZ, Chief Judge.

            Defendants, husband and wife, were charged by information filed October 3, 1968, with the crime of manslaughter for negligently failing to supply their 17-month child with necessary medical attention, as a result of which he died on September 12, 1968. Upon entry of findings, conclusions and judgment of guilty, sentences were imposed on April 22, 1969. Defendants appeal.

            The defendant husband, Walter Williams, is a 24-year old full-blooded Sheshont Indian with a sixth-grade education. His sole occupation is that of laborer. The defendant wife, Bernice Williams, is a 20-year-old part Indian with an 11th grade education. At the time of the marriage, the wife had two children, the younger of whom was a 14-month son. Both parents worked and the children were cared for by the 85-year-old mother of the defendant husband. The defendant husband assumed parental responsibility with the defendant wife to provide clothing, care and medical attention for the child. Both defendants possessed a great deal of love and affection for the defendant wife's young son.

            The court expressly found:

That both defendants were aware that William Joseph Tabafunda was ill during the period September 1, 1968 to September 12, 1968. The             defendants were  ignorant. They did not realize how sick the baby was. They        thought that the baby had a toothache and no layman regards a toothache as dangerous to life. They loved the baby and gave it aspirin in hopes of improving its condition. They did not take the baby to a doctor because of fear that the Welfare Department would take the baby away from them. They         knew that medical help was available because of previous experience. They had no excuse that the law will recognize for not taking the baby to a doctor.

The defendants Walter L. Williams and Bernice J. Williams were negligent in not seeking medical attention for William Joseph Tabafunda.

That as a proximate result of this negligence, William Joseph Tabafunda died.

From these and other findings, the court concluded that the defendants were each guilty of the crime of manslaughter as charged.
           
            Defendants take no exception to findings but contend that the findings do not support the conclusions that the defendants are guilty of manslaughter as charged. The contentions raise tow basic issues, (1) the existence of the duty to furnish medical aid charged by the information to be violated1 and the seriousness of the breach required; and (2) the issue of proximate cause, I.e., whether defendants were put on notice, in time to save the child's life, that medical care was required. Because the nature of the duty and the quality or seriousness of the breach are closely interrelated, our discussion of the first issue involved will embrace both matters.

            Parental duty to provide medical care for a dependent minor child was recognized at common law and characterized as a natural duty. [cases cited]. In Washington, the existence of the duty is commonly assumed and is stated at times without reference to any particular statute. * * * On the question of the quality or seriousness of breach of the duty, at common law, in the case of involuntary manslaughter, the breach had to amount to more than mere ordinary or simple negligence-gross negligence was essential. [sources cited]. In Washington, however, RCW 9.48.0602 (since amended by Laws of 1970, ch. 49, s 2) and RCW 9.48.1503 supersede both voluntary and involuntary manslaughter as those crimes were defined at common law. Under these statutes the crime is deemed committed even though the death of the victim is the proximate result of only simple or ordinary negligence.

            The concept of simple or ordinary negligence describes a failure to exercise the ‘ordinary caution’ necessary to make out the defense of excusable homicide. RCW 9.48.150. Ordinary caution is the kind of caution that a man of reasonable prudence would exercise under the same or similar conditions. If, therefore, the conduct of a defendant, regardless of his ignorance, good intentions and good faith, fails to measure up to the conduct required of a man of reasonable prudence, he is guilty of ordinary negligence because of his failure to use ‘ordinary caution.’ See State v. Hedges, Supra. If such negligence proximately causes the death of the victim, the defendant, as pointed out above, is guilty of statutory manslaughter. * * *

            RCW 26.20.030(1)(b) makes it a felony for a person who ‘willfully omits, without lawful excuse, to furnish necessary * * * medical attendance for his or her child * * *.’ The words ‘willfully omits' are, as pointed out in State v. Russel used in two senses, namely, (1) ‘an act or omission done intentionally * * *’ or (2) when used in statutes making nonsupport a crime, ‘an absence of lawful excuse or justification on the part of the accused parent.’ It was further pointed out that, by reason of RCW 26.20.080, the state meets its burden of proving willfulness and absence of lawful excuse on a prima facie basis when the evidence, directly or circumstantially, reveals a failure on the part of a physically or vocationally able parent to furnish the required medical attendance. Hence, RCW 26.20.030 is presumptively violated either because a defendant intentionally omits to furnish necessary medical care, or omits so to do without lawful excuse.

            Defendants' contention misconceives the significance of the words ‘willful * * * misconduct’ contained in the conclusions because of defendants' failure to recognize that ‘willful’ is a phrase of double meaning. The presumption of correctness that attends judgments of the trial court is necessarily predicated upon the subordinate presumption of the correctness of findings and conclusions. To give proper effect to this presumption requires that findings, whether or not containing a conclusion of law, and conclusions of law be reconciled if reasonably possible. Such a reconciliation is entirely possible in the instant case by a proper interpretation of the phrase ‘willful * * * misconduct.’ Since the trial court expressly found that the defendants ‘had no excuse that the law will recognize for not taking the baby to a doctor,’ it is reasonable to conclude that the phrase ‘willful * * * misconduct,’ contained in the conclusion, merely means intentional misconduct. The conclusion, in light of the findings, means merely that the conduct, although not intentional, was without lawful excuse and therefore willful in the second sense. State v. Russell, 73 Wash.2d 903, 442 P.2d 988 (1968);State v. McCarty, 76 Wash.2d 328, 456 P.2d 350 (1969); State v. Ozanne, 75 Wash.2d 546, 452 P.2d 745 (1969). Even if it is assumed that the information charging the crime of manslaughter relied upon a violation of RCW 26.20.030(1)(b), the conviction must stand since the findings and supporting evidence are sufficient to support the conclusion that, in the second sense of the term, the defendants willfully violated the duty owing their deceased child.

            Furthermore, the significance of the words ‘willful * * * misconduct’ contained in the conclusion is overstated. If it be assumed that RCW 26.20.030(1)(b) can be said to create a duty to furnish medical care otherwise not existing, as distinguished from a mere statement of a condition precedent to the imposition of a criminal sanction, then a duty may be said to exist even if the conditions permitting imposition of the criminal sanction do not. [case cited]. Hence, a conclusion that defendants' conduct was not willful does not mean that the duty has not been violated. It merely means that the special sanction of RCW 26.20.030(1) (b) cannot be invoked.

            We need not, however, rest our decision solely on the above mentioned grounds. The information charging statutory manslaughter made no mention of and did not purport to restrict itself to the violation of the duty set forth in RCW 26.20.030(1)(b). The information charged the violation of ‘the legal duty of providing necessary * * * medical attention to said * * * minor child * * *’ This general language permits reliance upon the existence of the legal duty no matter from what source derived. We have already pointed out that such a parental duty is recognized in the decisions of this state and has been characterized as a natural duty existing independently of statutes. [case cited]. RCW 26.20.030(1)(b) is consistent with and therefore does not supersede the common law natural duty of parents to provide medical care for their minor dependent children. Thus, should RCW 26.20.030(1)(b) be repealed, it could not reasonably be claimed that parents were thereby absolved from their natural duty to provide necessary medical care for their minor dependent children. We therefore hold that the violation of the parental duty to furnish medical care to a minor dependent child, the other elements of manslaughter being present, is a sufficient basis on which to rest a conviction of the crime of manslaughter under RCW 9.48.060 and 9.48.150. [cases cited].

            In the instant case, however, the defendant husband is not the father of the minor child, nor has he adopted that child. Nevertheless, the evidence shows that he had assumed responsibility with his wife for the care and maintenance of the child, whom he greatly loved. Such assumption of responsibility, characterized in the information as that required of a ‘guardian and custodian,’ is sufficient to impose upon him the duty to furnish necessary medical care. [cases, sources, statute cited].

            The remaining issue of proximate cause requires consideration of the question of when the duty to furnish medical care became activated. If the duty to furnish such care was not activated until after it was too late to save the life of the child, failure to furnish medical care could not be said to have proximately caused the child's death. Timeliness in the furnishing of medical care also must be considered in terms of ‘ordinary caution.’ The law does not mandatorily require that a doctor be called for a child at the first sign of any indisposition or illness. The indisposition or illness may appear to be of a minor or very temporary kind, such as a toothache or cold. If one in the exercise of ordinary caution fails to recognize that his child's symptoms require medical attention, it cannot be said that the failure to obtain such medical attention is a breach of the duty owed. In our opinion, the duty as formulated in People v. Pierson, properly defines the duty contemplated by our manslaughter statutes RCW 9.48.060 and RCW 9.48.150. The court there said:

We quite agree that the Code does not contemplate the necessity of calling a physician for every trifling complaint with which the child may be afflicted, which in most instances may be overcome by the ordinary household nursing by members of the family; that a reasonable amount of discretion is vested in parents, charged with the duty of maintaining and bringing up infant children; and that the standard is at what time would an ordinarily prudent person, solicitous for the welfare of his child and anxious to promote its recovery, deem it necessary to call in the services of a physician.

It remains to apply the law discussed to the facts of the instant case. * * *

            Dr. Gale Wilson, the autopsy surgeon and chief pathologist for the King County Coroner, testified that the child died because an abscessed tooth had been allowed to develop into an infection of the mouth and cheeks, eventually becoming gangrenous. This condition, accompanied by the child's inability to eat, brought about malnutrition, lowering the child's resistance and eventually producing pneumonia, causing the death. Dr. Wilson testified that in his opinion the infection had lasted for approximately 2 weeks, and that the odor generally associated with gangrene would have been present for approximately 10 days before death. He also expressed the opinion that had medical care been first obtained in the last week before the baby's death, such care would have been obtained too late to have saved the baby's life. Accordingly, the baby's apparent condition between September 1 and September 5, 1968 became the critical period for the purpose of determining whether in the exercise of ordinary caution defendants should have provided medical care for the minor child.

            The testimony concerning the child's apparent condition during the critical period is not crystal clear, but is sufficient to warrant the following statement of the matter. The defendant husband testified that he noticed the baby was sick about 2 weeks before the baby died. The defendant wife testified that she noticed the baby was ill about a week and a half or 2 weeks before the baby died. The evidence showed that in the critical period the baby was fussy; that he could not keep his food down; and that a cheek started swelling up. The swelling went up and down, but did not disappear. In that same period, the cheek turned ‘a bluish color like.’ The defendants, not realizing that the baby was as ill as it was or that the baby was in danger of dying, attempted to provide some relief to the baby by giving the baby aspirin during the critical period and continued to do so until the night before the baby died. The defendants thought the swelling would go down and were waiting for it to do so; and defendant husband testified, that from what he had heard, neither doctors nor dentists pull out a tooth ‘when it's all swollen up like that.’ There was an additional explanation for not calling a doctor given by each defendant. Defendant husband testified that ‘the way the cheek looked, * * * and that stuff on his hair, they would think we were neglecting him and take him away from us and not give him back.’ Defendant wife testified that the defendants were ‘waiting for the swelling to go down,’ and also that they were afraid to take the child to a doctor for fear that the doctor would report them to the welfare department, who, in turn, would take the child away. ‘It's just that I was so scared of losing him.’ They testified that they had heard that the defendant husband's cousin lost a child that way. The evidence showed that the defendants did not understand the significance or seriousness of the baby's symptoms. However, there is no evidence that the defendants were physically or financially unable to obtain a doctor, or that they did not know an available doctor, or that the symptoms did not continue to be a matter of concern during the critical period. Indeed, the evidence shows that in April 1968 defendant husband had taken the child to a doctor for medical attention.

            In our opinion, there is sufficient evidence from which the court could find, as it necessarily did, that applying the standard of ordinary caution, I.e., the caution exercisable by a man of reasonable prudence under the same or similar conditions, defendants were sufficiently put on notice concerning the symptoms of the baby's illness and lack of improvement in the baby's apparent condition in the period from September 1 to September 5, 1968 to have required them to have obtained medical care for the child. The failure so to do in this case is ordinary or simple negligence, and such negligence is sufficient to support a conviction of statutory manslaughter.

            The judgment is affirmed.

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Questions:

1.  Was justice done in this case?  Does your answer depend on how you apply the premises for justice that we discussed from Justinian’s Institutes?

2.  Does the statute in this case impose a legislative determination of what is just, manifested in the command of the statute?  What if the objectives of the statute, its intent and broad objectives, are undermined by the application of the statute in a particular instance?  Should the letter of the law applied formally prevail over the application the objectives of the statute, that is its function and purpose?

3.  What was the reason for including in the description of the defendants their race/ethnicity? What was the judge trying to signal?  Was this required either if the judge was disposed to apply the letter of the law or its purpose?

4.  Can you describe the way in which the statute was interpreted in light of law that falls outside the statutory code that is the criminal law of this state?  If the state’s criminal law were considered an integrated code would the judge have had the same leeway, or would he have been required to apply a different set of interpretive techniques?
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IV. Problem.

            We have now some small experience in reading cases from the common law and equity.  We have begun to understand that those cases are read to extract the principles, standards and elements of liability, and to determine the range of actions in which liability has been applied or avoided in order to deduce whether in the context of the dispute to be resolved, whether or not liability attaches.  We have also begun to understand the common law system as one grounded in the use of those principles and the ever-widening set of factual situations in which it has been applied, as the means by which social learning is undertaken.  The cases themselves teach not merely the principles of liability but also the extent of the reach of liability; and in this manner helps people adjust their conduct to avoid liability in their relations with others.  Common law in this sense is interactive. Equity, we have seen, tends to work in a similar way.  It is the means through which we can do justice through the mechanism of judicial proceedings in three distinct realms—the development of substantive conduct rules, the development of defenses to liability, and in the scope of remedies available to those whose interests have been adversely affected by the conduct of another.   

            We must now begin the process of mastering the way the courts approach substantive rules that they have not created in this inactive fashion.  Statutes are commands—normative rules—that have been written, that do not change, and that must be applied unchanged by the courts where disputes arise as to liability that might be triggered by breach of those writings. We will come to understand that though courts have no authority to change or reject the principles and standards written into statutes, they have a substantial amount of responsibility for its application and interpretation.  these tasks are different, in kind, from those of the common law or equity courts.  yet they also involve mechanisms and processes of decision that are quite similar.  Courts must determine whether a statute applies, the circumstances in which it might not apply.  Courts are asked to fill in gaps where statutes are silent and to resolve ambiguity where statutes might be read in more than one way.  Courts are especially asked to invest words with their meaning, phrases with theirs, and the collection of words that produce a description of command some semblance of meaning that is certain and predictable, but which is also accessible and comports with the expectations and practices of the society within which these meanings are extracted. While we will consider the techniques that courts use to achieve these objectives in later chapters, the student can now be introduced to the nature of the relationship of courts to statutes through the problem set out below. 

An excellent example of these judicial roles with respect to statutes is on display in the well known cases that follows.  As you read the cases see if you can describe with specificity what the court was called upon to do, and how it applied the statutes.  Then determine whether one might argue that the court, in each case, rewrote the statutes rather than interpreted them.

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RECTOR, ETC., OF HOLY TRINITY CHURCH
v.
UNITED STATES
Supreme Court of the United States
143 U.S. 457; 12 S.Ct. 511
February 29, 1892.

Opinion
Mr. Justice BREWER delivered the opinion of the court.

Plaintiff in error is a corporation duly organized and incorporated as a religious society under the laws of the state of New York. E. Walpole Warren was, prior to September, *458 1887, an alien residing in England. In that month the plaintiff in error made a contract with him, by which he was to remove to the city of New York, and enter into its service as rector and pastor; and, in pursuance of such contract, Warren did so remove and enter upon such service. It is claimed by the United States that this contract on the part of the plaintiff in error was forbidden by chapter 164, 23 St. p. 332; and an action was commenced to recover the penalty prescribed by that act. The circuit court held that the contract was within the prohibition of the statute, and rendered judgment accordingly, (36 Fed. Rep. 303,) and the single question presented for our determination is whether it erred in that conclusion.

The first section describes the act forbidden, and is in these words:
‘Be it enacted by the senate and house of representatives of the United States of America, in congress assembled, that from and after the passage of this act it shall be unlawful for any person, company, partnership, or corporation, in any manner whatsoever, to prepay the transportation, or in any way assist or encourage the importation or migration, of any alien or aliens, any foreigner or foreigners, into the United States, its territories, or the District of Columbia, under contract or agreement, parol or special, express or implied, made previous to the importation or migration of such alien or aliens, foreigner or foreigners, to perform labor or service of any kind in the United States, its territories, or the District of Columbia.’

It must be conceded that the act of the corporation is within the letter of this section, for the relation of rector to his church is one of service, and implies labor on the one side with compensation on the other. Not only are the general words ‘labor’ and ‘service’ both used, but also, as it were to guard against any narrow interpretation and emphasize a breadth of meaning, to them is added ‘of any kind;’ and, further, as noticed by the circuit judge in his opinion, the fifth section, which makes specific exceptions, among them professional actors, artists, lecturers, singers, and domestic servants, strengthens the idea that every other kind of labor and service was intended to be reached by the first section. While there is great force to this reasoning, we cannot think congress intended to denounce with penalties a transaction like that in the present case. It is a familiar rule that a thing may be within the letter of the statute and yet not within the statute, because not within its spirit nor within the intention of its makers. This has been often asserted, and the Reports are full of cases illustrating its application. This is not the substitution of the will of the judge for that of the legislator; for frequently words of general meaning are used in a statute, words broad enough to include an act in question, and yet a consideration of the whole legislation, or of the circumstances surrounding its enactment, or of the absurd results which follow from giving such broad meaning to the words, makes it unreasonable to believe that the legislator intended to include the particular act. As said in Stradling v. Morgan, Plow. 205: ‘From which cases it appears that the sages of the law heretofore have construed statutes quite contrary to the letter in some appearance, and those statutes which comprehend all things in the letter they have expounded to extend to but some things, and those which generally prohibit all people from doing such an act they have interpreted to permit some people to do it, and those which include every person in the letter they have adjudged to reach to some persons only, which expositions have always been founded upon the intent of the legislature, which they have collected sometimes by considering the cause and necessity of making the act, sometimes by comparing one part of the act with another, and sometimes by foreign circumstances.’

In Pier Co. v. Hannam, 3 Barn. & Ald. 266, ABBOTT, C. J., quotes from Lord Coke as follows: ‘Acts of parliament are to be so construed as no man that is innocent or free from injury or wrong be, by a literal construction, punished or endangered.’ In the case of State v. Clark, 29 N. J. Law, 96, 99, it appeared that an act had been passed, making it a misdemeanor to willfully break down a fence in the possession of another person. Clark was indicted under that statute. The defense was that the act of breaking down the fence, though willful, was in the exercise of a legal right to go upon his own lands. The trial court rejected the testimony offered to sustain the defense, and the supreme court held that this ruling was error. In its opinion the court used this language: ‘The act of 1855, in terms, makes the willful opening, breaking down, or injuring of any fences belonging to or in the possession of any other person a misdemeanor. In what sense is the term ‘willful’ used? In common parlance, ‘willful’ is used in the sense of ‘intentional,’ as distinguished from ‘accidental’ or ‘involuntary.’ Whatever one does intentionally, he does willfully. Is it used in that sense in this act? Did the legislature intend to make the intentional opening of a fence for the purpose of going upon the land of another indictable, if done by permission or for a lawful purpose? * * * We cannot suppose such to have been the actual intent. To adopt such a construction would put a stop to the ordinary business of life. The language of the act, if construed literally, evidently leads to an absurd result. If a literal construction of the words of a statute be absurd, the act must be so construed as to avoid the absurdity. The court must restrain the words. The object designed to be reached by the act must limit and control the literal import of the terms and phrases employed.’ In U. S. v. Kirby, 7 Wall. 482, 486, the defendants were indicted for the violation of an act of congress providing ‘that if any person shall knowingly and willfully obstruct or retard the passage of the mail, or of any driver or carrier, or of any horse or carriage carrying the same, he shall, upon conviction, for every such offense, pay a fine not exceeding one hundred dollars.’ The specific charge was that the defendants knowingly and willfully retarded the passage of one Farris, a carrier of the mail, while engaged in the performance of his duty, and also in like manner retarded the steam-boat Gen. Buell, at that time engaged in carrying the mail. To this indictment the defendants pleaded specially that Farris had been indicted for murder by a court of competent authority in Kentucky; that a bench-warrant had been issued and placed in the hands of the defendant Kirby, the sheriff of the county, commanding him to arrest Farris, and bring him before the court to answer to the indictment; and that, in obedience to this warrant, he and the other defendants, as his posse, entered upon the steamboat Gen. Buell and arrested Farris, and used only such force as was necessary to accomplish that arrest. The question as to the sufficiency of this plea was certified to this court, and it was held that the arrest of Farris upon the warrant from the state court was not an obstruction of the mail, or the retarding of the passage of a carrier of the mail, within the meaning of the act. In its opinion the court says: ‘All laws should receive a sensible construction. General terms should be so limited in their application as not to lead to injustice, oppression, or an absurd consequence. It will always, therefore, be presumed that the legislature intended exceptions to its language which would avoid results of this character. The reason of the law in such cases should prevail over its letter. The common sense of man approves the judgment mentioned by Puffendorf, that the Bolognian law which enacted ‘that whoever drew blood in the streets should be punished with the utmost severity,’ did not extend to the surgeon who opened the vein of a person that fell down in the street in a fit. The same common sense accepts the ruling, cited by Plowden, that the statute of 1 Edw. II., which enacts that a prisoner who breaks prison shall be guilty of felony, does not extend to a prisoner who breaks out when the prison is on fire, ‘for he is not to be hanged because he would not stay to be burnt.’ And we think that a like common sense will sanction the ruling we make, that the act of congress which punishes the obstruction or retarding of the passage of the mail, or of its carrier, does not apply to a case of temporary detention of the mail caused by the arrest of the carrier upon an indictment for murder.’ . . . .

Among other things which may be considered in determining the intent of the legislature is the title of the act. We do not mean that it may be used to add to or take from the body of the statute, (Hadden v. Collector, 5 Wall. 107,) but it may help to interpret its meaning. In the case of U. S. v. Fisher, 2 Cranch, 358, 386, Chief Justice MARSHALL said: ‘On the infiuence which the title ought to have in construing the enacting clauses, much has been said, and yet it is not easy to discern the point of difference between the opposing counsel in this respect. Neither party contends that the title of an act can control plain words in the body of the statute; and neither denies that, taken with other parts, it may assist in removing ambiguities. Where the intent is plain, nothing is left to construction. Where the mind labors to discover the design of the legislature, it seizes everything from which aid can be derived; and in such case the title claims a degree of notice, and will have its due share of consideration.’ And in the case of U. S. v. Palmer, 3 Wheat. 610, 631, the same judge applied the doctrine in this way: ‘The words of the section are in terms of unlimited extent. The words ‘any person or persons’ are broad enough to comprehend every human being. But general words must not only be limited to cases within the jurisdiction of the state, but also to those objects to which the legislature intended to apply them. Did the legislature intend to apply these words to the subjects of a foreign power, who in a foreign ship may commit murder or robbery on the high seas? The title of an act cannot control its words, but may furnish some aid in showing what was in the mind of the legislature. The title of this act is, ‘An act for the punishment of certain crimes against the United States.’ It would seem that offenses against the United States, not offenses against the human race, were the crimes which the legislature intended by this law to punish.’

It will be seen that words as general as those used in the first section of this act were by that decision limited, and the intent of congress with respect to the act was gathered partially, at least, from its title. Now, the title of this act is, ‘An act to prohibit the importation and migration of foreigners and aliens under contract or agreement to perform labor in the United States, its territories, and the District of Columbia. Obviously the thought expressed in this reaches only to the work of the manual laborer, as distinguished from that of the professional man. No one reading such a title would suppose that congress had in its mind any purpose of staying the coming into this country of ministers of the gospel, or, indeed, of any class whose toil is that of the brain. The common understanding of the terms ‘labor’ and ‘laborers’ does not include preaching and preachers, and it is to be assumed that words and phrases are used in their ordinary meaning. So whatever of light is thrown upon the statute by the language of the title indicates an exclusion from its penal provisions of all contracts for the employment of ministers, rectors, and pastors.

Again, another guide to the meaning of a statute is found in the evil which it is designed to remedy; and for this the court properly looks at contemporaneous events, the situation as it existed, and as it was pressed upon the attention of the legislative body. U. S. v. Railroad Co., 91 U. S. 72, 79. The situation which called for this statute was briefly but fully stated by Mr. Justice BROWN when, as district judge, he decided the case of U. S. v. Craig, 28 Fed. Rep. 795, 798: ‘The motives and history of the act are matters of common knowledge. It had become the practice for large capitalists in this country to contract with their agents abroad for the shipment of great numbers of an ignorant and servile class of foreign laborers, under contracts by which the employer agreed, upon the one hand, to prepay their passage, while, upon the other hand, the laborers agreed to work after their arrival for a certain time at a low rate of wages. The effect of this was to break down the labor market, and to reduce other laborers engaged in like occupations to the level of the assisted immigrant. The evil finally became so flagrant that an appeal was made to congress for relief by the passage of the act in question, the design of which was to raise the standard of foreign immigrants, and to discountenance the migration of those who had not sufficient means in their own hands, or those of their friends, to pay their passage.’

It appears, also, from the petitions, and in the testimony presented before the committees of congress, that it was this cheap, unskilled labor which was making the trouble, and the influx of which congress sought to prevent. It was never suggested that we had in this country a surplus of brain toilers, and, least of all, that the market for the services of Christian ministers was depressed by foreign competition. Those were matters to which the attention of congress, or of the people, was not directed. So far, then, as the evil which was sought to be remedied interprets the statute, it also guides to an exclusion of this contract from the penalties of the act.

A singular circumstance, throwing light upon the intent of congress, is found in this extract from the report of the senate committee on education and labor, recommending the passage of the bill: ‘The general facts and considerations which induce the committee to recommend the passage of this bill are set forth in the report of the committee of the house. The committee report the bill back without amendment, although there are certain features thereof which might well be changed or modified, in the hope that the bill may not fail of passage during the present session. Especially would the committee have otherwise recommended amendments, substituting for the expression, ‘labor and service,’ whenever it occurs in the body of the bill, the words ‘manual labor’ or ‘manual service,’ as sufficiently broad to accomplish the purposes of the bill, and that such amendments would remove objections which a sharp and perhaps unfriendly criticism may urge to the proposed legislation. The committee, however, believing that the bill in its present form will be construed as including only those whose labor or service is manual in character, and being very desirous that the bill become a law before the adjournment, have reported the bill without change.’ Page 6059, Congressional Record, 48th Cong. And, referring back to the report of the committee of the house, there appears this language: ‘It seeks to restrain and prohibit the immigration or importation of laborers who would have never seen our shores but for the inducements and allurements of men whose only object is to obtain labor at the lowest possible rate, regardless of the social and material well-being of our own citizens, and regardless of the evil consequences which result to American laborers from such immigration. This class of immigrants care nothing about our institutions, and in many instances never even heard of them. They are men whose passage is paid by the importers. They come here under contract to labor for a certain number of years. They are ignorant of our social condition, and, that they may remain so, they are isolated and prevented from coming into contact with Americans. They are generally from the lowest social stratum, and live upon the coarsest food, and in hovels of a character before unknown to American workmen. They, as a rule, do not become citizens, and are certainly not a desirable acquisition to the body politic. The inevitable tendency of their presence among us is to degrade American labor, and to reduce it to the level of the imported pauper labor.’ Page 5359, Congressional Record, 48th Cong.

We find, therefore, that the title of the act, the evil which was intended to be remedied, the circumstances surrounding the appeal to congress, the reports of the committee of each house, all concur in affirming that the intent of congress was simply to stay the influx of this cheap, unskilled labor.

But, beyond all these matters, no purpose of action against religion can be imputed to any legislation, state or national, because this is a religious people. This is historically true. From the discovery of this continent to the present hour, there is a single voice making this affirmation. . . .

* * * * * * *

There is no dissonance in these declarations. There is a universal language pervading them all, having one meaning. They affirm and reaffirm that this is a religious nation. These are not individual sayings, declarations of private persons. They are organic utterances. They speak the voice of the entire people. While because of a general recognition of this truth the question has seldom been presented to the courts, yet we find that in Updegraph v. Com., 11 Serg. & R. 394, 400, it was decided that, ‘Christianity, general Christianity, is, and always has been, a part of the common law of Pennsylvania; * * * not Christianity with an established church and tithes and spiritual courts, but Christianity with liberty of conscience to all men.’ And in People v. Ruggles, 8 Johns. 290, 294, 295, Chancellor KENT, the great commentator on American law, speaking as chief justice of the supreme court of New York, said: ‘The people of this state, in common with the people of this country, profess the general doctrines of Christianity as the rule of their faith and practice; and to scandalize the author of these doctrines is not only, in a religious point of view, extremely impious, but, even in respect to the obligations due to society, is a gross violation of decency and good order. * * * The free, equal, and undisturbed enjoyment of religious opinion, whatever it may be, and free and decent discussions on any religious subject, is granted and secured; but to revile, with malicious and blasphemous contempt, the religion professed by almost the whole community is an abuse of that right. Nor are we bound by any expressions in the constitution, as some have strangely supposed, either not to punish at all, or to panish indiscriminately the like attacks upon the religion of Mahomet or of the Grand Lama; and for this plain reason, that the case assumes that we are a Christian people, and the morality of the country is deeply ingrafted upon Christianity, and not upon the doctrines or worship of those impostors.’ And in the famous case of Vidal v. Girard’s Ex’rs, 2 How. 127, 198, this court, while sustaining the will of Mr. Girard, with its provision for the creation of a college into which no minister should be permitted to enter, observed: ‘It is also said, and truly, that the Christian religion is a part of the common law of Pennsylvania.’

If we pass beyond these matters to a view of American life, as expressed by its laws, its business, its customs, and its society, we find every where a clear recognition of the same truth. Among other matters note the following: The form of oath universally prevailing, concluding with an appeal to the Almighty; the custom of opening sessions of all deliberative bodies and most conventions with prayer; the prefatory words of all wills, ‘In the name of God, amen;’ the laws respecting the observance of the Sabbath, with the general cessation of all secular business, and the closing of courts, legislatures, and other similar public assemblies on that day; the churches and church organizations which abound in every city, town, and hamlet; the multitude of charitable organizations existing every where under Christian auspices; the gigantic missionary associations, with general support, and aiming to establish Christian missions in every quarter of the globe. These, and many other matters which might be noticed, add a volume of unofficial declarations to the mass of organic utterances that this is a Christian nation. In the face of all these, shall it be believed that a congress of the United States intended to make it a misdemeanor for a church of this country to contract for the services of a Christian minister residing in another nation?

Suppose, in the congress that passed this act, some member had offered a bill which in terms declared that, if any Roman Catholic church in this country should contract with Cardinal Manning to come to this country, and enter into its service as pastor and priest, or any Episcopal church should enter into a like contract with Canon Farrar, or any Baptist church should make similar arrangements with Rev. Mr. Spurgeon, or any Jewish synagogue with some eminent rabbi, such contract should be adjudged unlawful and void, and the church making it be subject to prosecution and punishment. Can it be believed that it would have received a minute of approving thought or a single vote? Yet it is contended that such was, in effect, the meaning of this statute. The construction invoked cannot be accepted as correct. It is a case where there was presented a definite evil, in view of which the legislature used general terms with the purpose of reaching all phases of that evil; and thereafter, unexpectedly, it is developed that the general language thus employed is broad enough to reach cases and acts which the whole history and life of the country affirm could not have been intentionally legislated against. It is the duty of the courts, under those circumstances, to say that, however broad the language of the statute may be, the act, although within the letter, is not within the intention of the legislature, and therefore cannot be within the statute.

The judgment will be reversed, and the case remanded for further proceedings in accordance with this opinion.
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Questions:

1. What was it exactly that the Court did regarding the statute—did it interpret the statute or rewrite it?  If they rewrote the statute what was their authority for overturning a legislative prerogative, as representatives of the people, to enact such legislation as they choose?

2.  Of course, it is possible to argue that the Court adhered strictly to the legislative primacy in the enactment and imposition of statutes as written.  However, it is possible to suggest that statutes consist of two parts; first a writing and second an objective. The two must reinforce each other.  But should legislative objective serve as a superior interpretive imperative than the plain meaning of the words of a statute?

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Problem:  You are a young lawyer working in the Buenos Aires, Argentina office  of a multi-office law firm, the headquarters of which are in New York. The partner for whom you work has been meeting with Argentine judges well trained in the civil law traditions of Argentina.  They are curious to know how U.S. courts apply statutes—and especially the techniques they use to interpret and apply statutes. They have assumed that the role of the judge is very limited when construing and applying statutes and that beyond the words of the statute themselves and the code within which they appear, judges have very little authority to extend their sources of interpretation.  They have read Holy Trinity Church and were given a new case to read—Welsh v. United States, 398 U.S. 333, 90 S. Ct. 1792 (1970), and are curious to know exactly what it is the courts did to reach the results in the cases. They are especially interested to understand how it is that the court in HolyTrinity Church could read the statutes against its plain meaning, and how three different interpretations were possible in the Welch case. The partner has asked you to prepare a very brief explanation of the approach of U.S. judges to the tasks of statutory interpretation, and especially to describe the techniques used, why they might be understood as authoritative, and how the use of distinct techniques permitted the construction of `plausible alternative constructions of statutes by the justices in Welsh.

__________


Elliott Ashton WELSH, II, Petitioner,
v.
UNITED STATES.
398 U.S. 333; 90 S.Ct. 1792
Supreme Court of the United States
(Argued Jan. 20, 1970.  Decided June 15, 1970)

Opinion
Mr. Justice BLACK announced the judgment of the Court and delivered an opinion in which Mr. Justice DOUGLAS, Mr. Justice BRENNAN, and Mr. Justice MARSHALL join.

The petitioner, Elliott Ashton Welsh II, was convicted by a United States District Judge of refusing to submit to induction into the Armed Forces in violation of 50 U.S.C. App. s 462(a), and was on June 1, 1966, sentenced to imprisonment for three years. One of petitioner’s defenses to the prosecution was that s 6(j) of the Universal Military Training and Service Act exempted him from combat and noncombat service because he was ‘by reason of religious training and belief * * * conscientiously opposed to participation in war in any form.’[78] After finding that there was no religious basis for petitioner’s conscientious objector claim, the Court of Appeals, Judge Hamley dissenting, affirmed the conviction. 404 F.2d 1078 (1968). We granted certiorari chiefly to review the contention that Welsh’s conviction should be set aside on the basis of this Court’s decision in United States v. Seeger, 380 U.S. 163, 85 S.Ct. 850, 13 L.Ed.2d 733 (1965). 396 U.S. 816, 90 S.Ct. 53, 24 L.Ed.2d 67 (1969). For the reasons to be stated, and without passing upon the constitutional arguments that have been raised, we vote to reverse this conviction because of its fundamental inconsistency with United States v. Seeger, supra.

The controlling facts in this case are strikingly similar to those in Seeger. Both Seeger and Welsh were brought up in religious homes and attended church in their childhood, but in neither case was this church one which taught its members not to engage in war at any time for any reason. Neither Seeger nor Welsh continued his childhood religious ties into his young manhood, and neither belonged to any religious group or adhered to the teachings of any organized religion during the period of his involvement with the Selective Service System. At the time of registration for the draft, neither had yet come to accept pacifist principles. Their views on war developed only in subsequent years, but when their ideas did fully mature both made application to their local draft boards for conscientious objector exemptions from military service under s 6(j) of the Universal Military Training and Service Act. That section then provided, in part:[79]

‘Nothing contained in this title shall be construed to require any person to be subject to combatant training and service in the armed forces of the United States who, by reason of religious training and belief, is conscientiously opposed to participation in war in any form. Religious training and belief in this connection means an individual’s belief in a relation to a Supreme Being involving duties superior to those arising from any human relation, but does not include essentially political, sociological, or philosophical views or a merely personal moral code.’

In filling out their exemption applications both Seeger and Welsh were unable to sign the statement that, as printed in the Selective Service form, stated ‘I am, by reason of my religious training and belief, conscientiously opposed to participation in war in any form.’ Seeger could sign only after striking the words ‘training and’ and putting quotation marks around the word ‘religious.’ Welsh could sign only after striking the words ‘my religious training and.’ On those same applications, neither could definitely affirm or deny that he believed in a ‘Supreme Being,’ both stating that they preferred to leave the question open.[80] But both Seeger and Welsh affirmed on those applications that they held deep conscientious scruples against taking part in wars where people were killed. Both strongly believed that killing in war was wrong, unethical, and immoral, and their consciences forbade them to take part in such an evil practice. Their objection to participating in war in any form could not be said to come from a ‘still, small voice of conscience’; rather, for them that voice was so loud and insistent that both men preferred to go to jail rather than serve in the Armed Forces. There was never any question about the sincerity and depth of Seeger’s convictions as a conscientious objector, and the same is true of Welsh. In this regard the Court of Appeals noted, ‘(t)he government concedes that (Welsh’s) beliefs are held with the strength of more traditional religious convictions.’ 404 F.2d, at 1081. But in both cases the Selective Service System concluded that the beliefs of these men were in some sense insufficiently ‘religious’ to qualify them for conscientious objector exemptions under the terms of s 6(j). Seeger’s conscientious objector claim was denied ‘solely because it was not based upon a ‘belief in a relation to a Supreme Being’ as required by s 6(j) of the Act,’ United States v. Seeger, 380 U.S. 163, 167, 85 S.Ct. 850, 854, 13 L.Ed.2d 733 (1965), while Welsh was denied the exemption because his Appeal Board and the Department of Justice hearing officer ‘could find no religious basis for the registrant’s beliefs, opinions and convictions.’ App. 52. Both Seeger and Welsh subsequently refused to submit to induction into the military and both were convicted of that offense.

In Seeger the Court was confronted, first, with the problem that s 6(j) defined ‘religious training and belief’ in terms of a ‘belief in a relation to a Supreme Being * * *,’ a definition that arguably gave a preference to those who believed in a conventional God as opposed to those who did not. Noting the ‘vast panoply of beliefs’ prevalent in our country, the Court construed the congressional intent as being in ‘keeping with its long-established policy of not picking and choosing among religious beliefs,’ id., at 175, 85 S.Ct., at 859, and accordingly interpreted ‘the meaning of religious training and belief so as to embrace all religions * * *.’ Id., at 165, 85 S.Ct., at 854. (Emphasis added.) But, having decided that all religious conscientious objectors were entitled to the exemption, we faced the more serious problem of determining which beliefs were ‘religious’ within the meaning of the statute. This question was particularly difficult in the case of Seeger himself. Seeger stated that his was a ‘belief in and devotion to goodness and virtue for their own sakes, and a religious faith in a purely ethical creed.’ 380 U.S., at 166, 85 S.Ct., at 854. In a letter to his draft board, he wrote:

‘My decision arises from what I believe to be considerations of validity from the standpoint of the welfare of humanity and the preservation of the democratic values which we in the United States are struggling to maintain. I have concluded that war, from the practical standpoint, is futile and self-defeating, and that from the more important moral standpoint, it is unethical.’ 326 F.2d 846, 848 (2 Cir. 1964).

On the basis of these and similar assertions, the Government argued that Seeger’s conscientious objection to war was not ‘religious’ but stemmed from ‘essentially political, sociological, or philosophical views or a merely personal moral code.’

In resolving the question whether Seeger and the other registrants in that case qualified for the exemption, the Court stated that ‘(the) task is to decide whether the beliefs professed by a registrant are sincerely held and whether they are, in his own scheme of things, religious.’ 380 U.S., at 185, 85 S.Ct., at 863. (Emphasis added.) The reference to the registrant’s ‘own scheme of things’ was intended to indicate that the central consideration in determining whether the registrant’s beliefs are religious is whether these beliefs play the role of a religion and function as a religion in the registrant’s life. The Court’s principal statement of its test for determining whether a conscientious objector’s beliefs are religious within the meaning of s 6(j) was as follows:

‘The test might be stated in these words: A sincere and meaningful belief which occupies in the life of its possessor a place parallel to that filled by the God of those admittedly qualifying for the exemption comes within the statutory definition.’ 380 U.S., at 176, 85 S.Ct., at 859.

The Court made it clear that these sincere and meaningful beliefs that prompt the registrant’s objection to all wars need not be confined in either source or content to traditional or parochial concepts of religion. It held that s 6(j) ‘does not distinguish between externally and internally derived beliefs,’ id., at 186, 85 S.Ct., at 864 and also held that ‘intensely personal’ convictions which some might find ‘incomprehensible’ or ‘incorrect’ come within the meaning of ‘religious belief’ in the Act. Id., at 184—185, 85 S.Ct., at 863—864. What is necessary under Seeger for a registrant’s conscientious objection to all war to be ‘religious’ within the meaning of s 6(j) is that this opposition to war stem from the registrant’s moral, ethical, or religious beliefs about what is right and wrong and that these beliefs be held with the strength of traditional religious convictions. Most of the great religions of today and of the past have embodied the idea of a Supreme Being or a Supreme Reality—a God—who communicates to man in some way a consciousness of what is right and should be done, of what is wrong and therefore should be shunned. If an individual deeply and sincerely holds beliefs that are purely ethical or moral in source and content but that nevertheless impose upon him a duty of conscience to refrain from participating in any war at any time, those beliefs certainly occupy in the life of that individual ‘a place parallel to that filled by * * * God’ in traditionally religious persons. Because his beliefs function as a religion in his life, such an individual is as much entitled to a ‘religious’ conscientious objector exemption under s 6(j) as is someone who derives his conscientious opposition to war from traditional religious convictions.

Applying this standard to Seeger himself, the Court noted the ‘compulsion to ‘goodness“ that shaped his total opposition to war, the undisputed sincerity with which he held his views, and the fact that Seeger had ‘decried the tremendous ‘spiritual’ price man must pay for his willingness to destory human life.’ 380 U.S., at 186—187, 85 S.Ct., at 864. The Court concluded:

‘We think it clear that the beliefs which prompted his objection occupy the same place in his life as the belief in a traditional deity holds in the lives of his friends, the Quakers.’ 380 U.S., at 187, 85 S.Ct. at 864—865.

Accordingly, the Court found that Seeger should be granted conscientious objector status.

In the case before us the Government seeks to distinguish our holding in Seeger on basically two grounds, both of which were relied upon by the Court of Appeals in affirming Welsh’s conviction. First, it is stressed that Welsh was far more insistent and explicit than Seeger in denying that his views were religious. For example, in filling out their conscientious objector applications, Seeger put quotation marks around the word ‘religious,’ but Welsh struck the word ‘religious’ entirely and later characterized his beliefs as having been formed ‘by reading in the fields of history and sociology.’ App. 22. The Court of Appeals found that Welsh had ‘denied that his objection to war was premised on religious belief’ and concluded that ‘(t)he Appeal Board was entitled to take him at his word.?’ 404 F.2d at 1082. We think this attempt to distinguish Seeger fails for the reason that it places undue emphasis on the registrant’s interpretation of his own beliefs. The Court’s statement in Seeger that a registrant’s characterization of his own belief as ‘religious’ should carry great weight, 380 U.S., at 184, 85 S.Ct., at 863, does not imply that his declaration that his views are nonreligious should be treated similarly. When a registrant states that his objections to war are ‘religious,’ that information is highly relevant to the question of the function his beliefs have in his life. But very few registrants are fully aware of the broad scope of the word ‘religious’ as used in s 6(j), and accordingly a registrant’s statement that his beliefs are nonreligious is a highly unreliable guide for those charged with administering the exemption. Welsh himself presents a case in point. Although he originally characterized his beliefs as nonreligious, he later upon reflection wrote a long and thoughtful letter to his Appeal Board in which he declared that his beliefs were ‘certainly religious in the ethical sense of the word.’ He explained:

‘I believe I mentioned taking of life as not being, for me, a religious wrong. Again, I assumed Mr. (Bradey (the Department of Justice hearing officer)) was using the word ‘religious’ in the conventional sense, and, in order to be perfectly honest did not characterize my belief as ‘religious.“ App. 44.
  
The Government also seeks to distinguish Seeger on the ground that Welsh’s views, unlike Seeger’s, were ‘essentially political, sociological, or philosophical views or a merely personal moral code.’ As previously noted, the Government made the same argument about Seeger, and not without reason, for Seeger’s views had a substantial political dimension. Supra, at 1795. In this case, Welsh’s conscientious objection to war was undeniably based in part on his perception of world politics. In a letter to his local board, he wrote:

‘I can only act according to what I am and what I see. And I see that the military complex wastes both human and material resources, that it fosters disregard for (what I consider a paramount concern) human needs and ends; I see that the means we employ to ‘defend’ our ‘way of life’ profoundly change that way of life. I see that in our failure to recognize the political, social, and economic realities of the world, we, as a nation, fail our responsibility as a nation.’ App. 30.

We certainly do not think that s 6(j)‘s exclusion of those persons with ‘essentially political, sociological, or philosophical views or a merely personal moral code’ should be read to exclude those who hold strong beliefs about our domestic and foreign affairs or even those whose conscientious objection to participation in all wars is founded to a substantial extent upon considerations of public policy. The two groups of registrants that obviously do fall within these exclusions from the exemption are those whose beliefs are not deeply held and those whose objection to war does not rest at all upon moral, ethical, or religious principle but instead rests solely upon considerations of policy, pragmatism, or expediency. In applying s 6(j)‘s exclusion of those whose views are ‘essentially political, sociological, or philosophical’ or of those who have a ‘merely personal moral code,’ it should be remembered that these exclusions are definitional and do not therefore restrict the category of persons who are conscientious objectors by ‘religious training and belief.’ Once the Selective Service System has taken the first step and determined under the standards set out here and in Seeger that the registrant is a ‘religious’ conscientious objector, it follows that his views cannot be ‘essentially political, sociological, or philosophical.’ Nor can they be a ‘merely personal moral code.’ See United States v. Seeger, 380 U.S., at 186, 85 S.Ct. at 864.

Welsh stated that he ‘believe(d) the taking of life—anyone’s life—to be morally wrong.’ App. 44. In his original conscientious objector application he wrote the following:

‘I believe that human life is valuable in and of itself; in its living; therefore I will not injure or kill another human being. This belief (and the corresponding ‘duty’ to abstain from violence toward another person) is not ‘superior to those arising from any human relation.’ On the contrary: it is essential to every human relation. I cannot, therefore, conscientiously comply with the Government’s insistence that I assume duties which I feel are immoral and totally repugnant.’ App. 10.

Welsh elaborated his beliefs in later communications with Selective Service officials. On the basis of these beliefs and the conclusion of the Court of Appeals that he held them ‘with the strength of more traditional religious convictions,’ 404 F.2d, at 1081, we think Welsh was clearly entitled to a conscientious objector exemption. Section 6(j) requires no more. That section exempts from military service all those whose consciences, spurred by deeply held moral, ethical, or religious beliefs, would give them no rest or peace if they allowed themselves to become a part of an instrument of war.

The judgment is reversed.
Reversed.

Mr. Justice BLACKMUN took no part in the consideration or decision of this case.


Mr. Justice HARLAN, concurring in the result.

Candor requires me to say that I joined the Court’s opinion in United States v. Seeger, 380 U.S. 163, 85 S.Ct. 850, 13 L.Ed.2d 733 (1965), only with the gravest misgivings as to whether it was a legitimate exercise in statutory construction, and today’s decision convinces me that in doing so I made a mistake which I should now acknowledge.[81]

In Seeger the Court construed s 6(j) of the Universal Military Training and Service Act so as to sustain a conscientious objector claim not founded on the theistic belief. The Court, in treating with the provision of the statute that limited conscientious objector claims to those stemming from belief in ‘a Supreme Being,’ there said: ‘Congress, in using the expression ‘Supreme Being’ rather than the designation ‘God,’ was merely clarifying the meaning of religious training and belief so as to embrace all religions and to exclude essentially political, sociological, or philosophical views,’ and held that the test of belief “in a relation to a Supreme Being’ is whether a given belief that is sincere and meaningful occupies a place in the life of its possessor parallel to that filled by the orthodox belief in God of one who clearly qualifies for the exemption.’ 380 U.S., at 165—166, 85 S.Ct., at 854. Today the prevailing opinion makes explicit its total elimination of the statutorily required religious content for a conscientious objector exemption. The prevailing opinion now says: ‘If an individual deeply and sincerely holds beliefs that are purely ethical or moral in source and content but that nevertheless impose upon him a duty of conscience to refrain from participating in any war at any time’ (emphasis added), he qualifies for a s 6(j) exemption.

In my opinion, the liberties taken with the statute both in Seeger and today’s decision cannot be justified in the name of the familiar doctrine of construing federal statutes in a manner that will avoid possible constitutional infirmities in them. There are limits to the permissible application of that doctrine, and, as I will undertake to show in this opinion, those limits were crossed in Seeger, and even more apparently have been exceeded in the present case. I therefore find myself unable to escape facing the constitutional issue that this case squarely presents: whether s 6(j) in limiting this draft exemption to those opposed to war in general because of theistic beliefs runs afoul of the religious clauses of the First Amendment. For reasons later appearing I believe it does, and on that basis I concur in the judgment reversing this conviction, and adopt the test announced by Mr. Justice BLACK, not as a matter of statutory construction, but as the touchstone for salvaging a congressional policy of long standing that would otherwise have to be nullified.

I

Section 6(j) provided during the period relevant to this case:

‘Nothing contained in this title shall be construed to require any person to be subject to combatant training and service in the armed forces of the United States who, by reason of religious training and belief, is conscientiously opposed to participation in war in any form. Religious training and belief in this connection means an individual’s belief in a relation to a Supreme Being involving duties superior to those arising from any human relation, but does not include essentially political, sociological, or philosophical views or a merely personal moral code.’ Universal Military Training and Service Act of 1948, s 6(j), 62 Stat. 612, 50 U.S.C.App. s 456(j).

The issue is then whether Welsh’s opposition to war is founded on ‘religious training and belief’ and hence ‘belief in a relation to a Supreme Being’ as Congress used those words. It is of course true that certain words are more plastic in meaning than others. ‘Supreme Being’ is a concept of theology and philosophy, not a technical term, and consequently may be, in some circumstances, capable of bearing a contemporary construction as notions of theology and philosophy evolve. Cf. United States v. Storrs, 272 U.S. 652, 47 S.Ct. 221, 71 L.Ed. 460 (1926). This language appears, however, in a congressional enactment; it is not a phrase of the Constitution, like ‘religion’ or ‘speech,’ which this Court is freer to construe in light of evolving needs and circumstances. . . .  Nor is it so broad a statutory directive, like that of the Sherman Act, that we may assume that we are free to adopt and shape policies limited only by the most general statement of purpose. Cf. e.g., Standard Oil Co. of New Jersey v. United States, 221 U.S. 1, 31 S.Ct. 502, 55 L.Ed. 619 (1911). It is Congress’ will that must here be divined. In that endeavor it is one thing to give words a meaning not necessarily envisioned by Congress so as to adapt them to circumstances also uncontemplated by the legislature in order to achieve the legislative policy, Rector, etc., of Holy Trinity Church v. United States, 143 U.S. 457, 12 S.Ct. 511, 36 L.Ed. 226 (1892); it is a wholly different matter to define words so as to change policy. The limits of this Court’s mandate to stretch concededly elastic congressional language are fixed in all cases by the context of its usage and legislative history, if available, that are the best guides to congressional purpose and the lengths to which Congress enacted a policy. Rosado v. Wyman, 397 U.S. 397, 90 S.Ct. 1207, 25 L.Ed.2d 442 (1970)[82] The prevailing opinion today snubs both guidelines for it is apparent from a textual analysis of s 6(j) and the legislative history that the words of this section, as used and understood by Congress, fall short of enacting the broad policy of exempting from military service all individuals who in good faith oppose all war.

A

The natural reading of s 6(j), which quite evidently draws a distinction between theistic and nontheistic religions, is the only one that is consistent with the legislative history. Section 5(g) of the 1940 Draft Act exampted individuals whose opposition to war could be traced to ‘religious training and belief,’ 54 Stat. 889, without any allusion to a Supreme Being. In United States v. Kauten, 133 F.2d 703 (C.A.2d Cir. 1943), the Second Circuit, speaking through Judge Augustus Hand, broadly construed ‘religious training and belief’ to include a ‘belief finding expression in a conscience which categorically requires the believer to disregard elementary self-interest and to accept martyrdom in preference to transgressing its tenets.’ 133 F.2d, at 708. The view was further elaborated in subsequent decisions of the Second Circuit, see United States ex rel. Phillips v. Downer, 135 F.2d 521 (C.A.2d Cir. 1943); United States ex rel. Reel v. Badt, 141 F.2d 845 (C.A.2d Cir. 1944). This expansive interpretation of s 5(g) was rejected by a divided Ninth Circuit in Berman v. United States, 156 F.2d 377, 380—381 (1946):

‘It is our opinion that the expression ‘by reason of religious training and belief’ * * * was written into the statute for the specific purpose of distinguishing between a conscientious social belief, or a sincere devotion to a high moralistic philosophy, and one based upon an individual’s belief in his responsibility to an authority higher and beyond any worldly one.

‘(I)n United States v. Macintosh, 283 U.S. 605, 51 S.Ct. 570, 578, 75 L.Ed. 1302, Mr. (Chief) Justice Hughes in his dissent * * * said: ‘The essence of religion is belief in a relation to God involving duties superior to those arising from any human relation.‘‘

The unmistakable and inescapable thrust of the Berman opinion, that religion is to be conceived in theistic terms, is rendered no less straightforward by the court’s elaboration on the difference between beliefs held as a matter of moral or philosophical conviction and those inspired by religious upbringing and adherence to faith.

‘There are those who have a philosophy of life, and who live up to it. There is evidence that this is so in regard to appellant. However, no matter how pure and admirable his standard may be, and no matter how devotedly he adheres to it, his philosophy and morals and social policy without the concept of deity cannot be said to be religion in the sense of that term as it is used in the statute. It is said in State v. Amana Society, 132 Iowa 304, 109 N.W. 894, 898 * * *: ‘Surely a scheme of life designed to obviate such results (man’s inhumanity to man), and by removing temptations, and all the inducements of ambition and avarice, to nurture the virtues of unselfishness, patience, love, and service, ought not to be denounced as not pertaining to religion when its devotee regards it as an essential tenet of their (sic) religious faith. “”’’ (Emphasis of Court of Appeals.) Ibid.

In the wake of this intercircuit dialogue, crystallized by the dissent in Berman which espoused the Second Circuit interpretation in Kauten, supra, Congress enacted s 6(j) in 1948. That Congress intended to anoint the Ninth Circuit’s interpretation of s 5(g) would seem beyond question in view of the similarity of the statutory language to that used by Chief Justice Hughes in his dissenting opinion in Macintosh and quoted in Berman and the Senate report. The first half of the new language was almost word for word that of Chief Justice Hughes in Macintosh, and quoted by the Berman majority;[83]and the Senate Committee report adverted to Berman, thus foreclosing any possible speculation as to whether Congress was aware of the possible alternatives. The report stated:

‘This section reenacts substantially the same provisions as were found in subsection 5(g) of the 1940 act. Exemption extends to anyone who, because of religious training and belief in his relationship to a Supreme Being, is conscientiously opposed to combatant military service or to both combatant and non-combatant military service. (See United States v. Berman (sic) 156 F. (2d) 377, certiorari denied, 329 U.S. 795 (67 S.Ct. 480, 91 L.Ed. 680).)’ S.Rep. No. 1268, 80th Cong., 2d Sess., 14.[84]

B

Against his legislative history it is a remarkable feat of judicial surgery to remove, as did Seeger, the theistic requirement of s 6(j). The prevailing opinion today, however, in the name of interpreting the will of Congress, has performed a lobotomy and completely transformed the statute by reading out of it any distinction between religiously acquired beliefs and those deriving from ‘essentially political, sociological, or philosophical views or a merely personal moral code.’

In the realm of statutory construction it is appropriate to search for meaning in the congressional vocabulary in a lexicon most probably consulted by Congress. Resort to Webster’s[85] reveals that the meanings of ‘religion’ are: ‘1. The service and adoration of God or a god as expressed in forms of worship, in obedience to divine commands * * *; 2. The state of life of a religious * * *; 3. One of the systems of faith and worship; a form of theism; a religious faith * * *; 4. The profession or practice of religious beliefs; religious observances collectively; pl. rites; 5. Devotion or fidelity; * * *conscientiousness; 6. An apprehension, awareness, or conviction of the existence of a supreme being, or more widely, of supernatural powers or influences controlling one’s own, humanity’s, or nature’s destiny; also, such an apprehension, etc., accompanied by or arousing reverence, love, gratitude, the will to obey and serve, and the like * * *.’ (Emphasis added.)

Of the five pertinent definitions four include the notion of either a Supreme Being or a cohesive, organized group pursuing a common spiritual purpose together. While, as the Court’s opinion in Seeger points out, these definitions do not exhaust the almost infinite and sophisticated possibilities for defining ‘religion,’ there is strong evidence that Congress restricted, in this instance, the word to its conventional sense. That it is difficult to plot the semantic penumbra of the word ‘religion’ does not render this term so plastic in meaning that the Court is entitled, as matter of statutory construction, to conclude that any asserted and strongly held belief satisfies its requirements. It must be recognized that the permissible shadow of connotation is limited by the context in which words are used. In s 6(j) Congress has included not only a reference to a Supreme Being but has also explicitly contrasted ‘religious’ beliefs with those that are ‘essentially political, sociological, or philosophical’ and a ‘personal moral code.’ This exception certainly is, at the very least, the statutory boundary, the ‘asymptote,’ of the word ‘religion.’[86]

For me this dichotomy reveals that Congress was not embracing that definition of religion that alone speaks in terms of ‘devotion or fidelity’ to individual principles acquired on an individualized basis but was adopting, at least, those meanings that associate religion with formal, organized worship or shared beliefs by a recognizable and cohesive group. Indeed, this requirement was explicit in the predecessor to the 1940 statute. The Draft Act of 1917 conditioned conscientious objector status on membership in or affiliation with a ‘well-recognized religious sect or organization (then) organized and existing and whose existing creed or principles forb(ade) its members to participate in war in any form * * *.’ s 4, 40 Stat. 78. That s 5(g) of the 1940 Act eliminated the affiliation and membership requirement does not, in my view, mean as the Court, in effect, concluded in Seeger that Congress was embracing a secular definition of religion.[87]

Unless we are to assume an Alice-in-Wonderland world where words have no meaning, I think it fair to say that Congress’ choice of language cannot fail to convey to the discerning reader the very policy choice that the prevailing opinion today completely obliterates: that between conventional religions that usually have an organized and formal structure and dogma and a cohesive group identity, even when nontheistic, and cults that represent schools of thought and in the usual case are without formal structure or are, at most, loose and informal associations of individuals who share common ethical, moral, or intellectual views.

II

When the plain thrust of a legislative enactment can only be circumvented by distortion to avert an inevitable constitutional collision, it is only by exalting form over substance that one can justify this veering off the path that has been plainly marked by the statute. Such a course betrays extreme skepticism as to constitutionality, and, in this instance, reflects a groping to preserve the conscientious objector exemption at all cost.

I cannot subscribe to a wholly emasculated construction of a statute to avoid facing a latent constitutional question, in purported fidelity to the salutary doctrine of avoiding unnecessary resolution of constitutional issues, a principle to which I fully adhere. See Ashwander v. Tennessee Valley Authority, 297 U.S. 288, 348, 56 S.Ct. 466, 483, 80 L.Ed. 688 (1936) (Brandeis, J., concurring). It is, of course, desirable to salvage by construction legislative enactments whenever there is good reason to believe that Congress did not intend to legislate consequences that are unconstitutional, but it is not permissible, in my judgment, to take a lateral step that robs legislation of all meaning in order to avert the collision between its plainly intended purpose and the commands of the Constitution. Cf. Yates v. United States, 354 U.S. 298, 77 S.Ct. 1064, 1 L.Ed.2d 1356 (1957). As the Court stated in Aptheker v. Secretary of State, 378 U.S. 500, 515, 84 S.Ct. 1659, 1668—1669, 12 L.Ed.2d 992 (1964):

‘It must be remembered that ‘(a)lthough this Court will often strain to construe legislation so as to save it against constitutional attack, it must not and will not carry this to the point of perverting the purpose of a statute * * *‘ or judicially rewriting it. Scales v. United States, 367 U.S., (203) at 211, 81 S.Ct., (1469) at 1477 (6 L.Ed.2d 782). To put the matter another way, this Court will not consider the abstract question of whether Congress might have enacted a valid statute but instead must ask whether the statute that Congress did enact will permissibly bear a construction rendering it free from constitutional defects.’

The issue comes sharply into focus in Mr. Justice Cardozo’s statement for the Court in Moore Ice Cream Co. v. Rose, 289 U.S. 373, 379, 53 S.Ct. 620, 622, 77 L.Ed. 1265 (1933):

“A statute must be construed, if fairly possible, so as to avoid not only the conclusion that it is unconstitutional, but also grave doubts upon that score.’ * * * But avoidance of a difficulty will not be pressed to the point of disingenuous evasion. Here the intention of the Congress is revealed too distinctly to permit us to ignore it because of mere misgivings as to power. The problem must be faced and answered.’

If an important congressional policy is to be perpetuated by recasting unconstitutional legislation, as the prevailing opinion has done here, the analytically sound approach is to accept responsibility for this decision. Its justification cannot be by resort to legislative intent, as that term is usually employed, but by a different kind of legislative intent, namely the presumed grant of power to the courts to decide whether it more nearly accords with Congress’ wishes to eliminate its policy altogether or extend it in order to render what Congress plainly did intend, constitutional. . . .  I therefore turn to the constitutional question.

III

The constitutional question that must be faced in this case is whether a statute that defers to the individual’s conscience only when his views emanate from adherence to theistic religious beliefs is within the power of Congress. Congress, of course, could, entirely consistently with the requirements of the Constitution, eliminate all exemptions for conscientious objectors. Such a course would be wholly ‘neutral’ and, in my view, would not offend the Free Exercise Clause, for reasons set forth in my dissenting opinion in Sherbert v. Verner, 374 U.S. 398, 418, 83 S.Ct. 1790, 1801, 10 L.Ed.2d 965 (1963). . . .  However, having chosen to exempt, it cannot draw the line between theistic or nontheistic religious beliefs on the one hand and secular beliefs on the other. Any such distinctions are not, in my view, compatible with the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment. . . . . The implementation of the neutrality principle of these cases requires, in my view, as I stated in Walz v. Tax Comm’n, supra ‘an equal protection mode of analysis. The Court must survey meticulously the circumstances of governmental categories to eliminate, as it were, religious gerrymanders. In any particular case the critical question is whether the scope of legislation encircles a class so broad that it can be fairly concluded that (all groups that) could be thought to fall within the natural perimeter (are included).’ 397 U.S., at 696, 90 S.Ct., at 1425.

The ‘radius’ of this legislation is the conscientiousness with which an individual opposes war in general, yet the statute, as I think it must be construed, excludes from its ‘scope’ individuals motivated by teachings of nontheistic religions,[88] and individuals guided by an inner ethical voice that bespeaks secular and not ‘religious’ reflection. It not only accords a preference to the ‘religious’ but also disadvantages adherents of religions that do not worship a Supreme Being. The constitutional infirmity cannot be cured, moreover, even by an impermissible construction that eliminates the theistic requirement and simply draws the line between religious and nonreligious. This in my view offends the Establishment Clause and is that kind of classification that this Court has condemned. . . . . .

* * * * *

IV

Where a statute is defective because of underinclusion there exist two remedial alternatives: a court may either declare it a nullity and order that its benefits not extend to the class that the legislature intended to benefit, or it may extend the coverage of the statute to include those who are aggrieved by exclusion. . . .

The appropriate disposition of this case, which is a prosecution for refusing to submit to induction and not an action for a declaratory judgment on the constitutionality of s 6(j), is determined by the fact that at the time of Welsh’s induction notice and prosecution the Selective Service was, as required by statute, exempting individuals whose beliefs were identical in all respects to those held by petitioner except that they derived from a religious source. Since this created a religious benefit not accorded to petitioner, it is clear to me that this conviction must be reversed under the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment unless Welsh is to go remediless. . . . .

This result, while tantamount to extending the statute, is not only the one mandated by the Constitution in this case but also the approach I would take had this question been presented in an action for a declaratory judgment or ‘an action in equity where the enforcement of a statute awaits the final determination of the court as to validity and scope.’ Smith v. Cahoon, 283 U.S., at 565, 51 S.Ct., at 586.[89] While the necessary remedial operation, extension, is more analogous to a graft than amputation, I think the boundaries of permissible choice may properly be considered fixed by the legislative pronouncement on severability.

* * * * *

In exercising the broad discretion conferred by a severability clause it is, of course, necessary to measure the intensity of commitment to the residual policy and consider the degree of potential disruption of the statutory scheme that would occur by extension as opposed to abrogation. . . . .

* * * * *

When a policy has roots so deeply embedded in history, there is a compelling reason for a court to hazard the necessary statutory repairs if they can be made within the administrative framework of the statute and without impairing other legislative goals, even though they entail, not simply eliminating an offending section, but rather building upon it.[90] Thus I am prepared to accept the prevailing opinion’s conscientious objector test, not as a reflection of congressional statutory intent but as patch work of judicial making that cures the defect of underinclusion in s 6(j) and can be administered by local boards in the usual course of business. Like the prevailing opinion, I also conclude that petitioner’s beliefs are held with the required intensity and consequently vote to reverse the judgment of conviction.

Mr. Justice WHITE, with whom THE CHIEF JUSTICE and Mr. Justice STEWART join, dissenting.

Whether or not United States v. Seeger, 380 U.S. 163, 85 S.Ct. 850, 13 L.Ed.2d 733 (1965), accurately reflected the intent of Congress in providing draft exemptions for religious conscientious objectors to war, I cannot join today’s construction of s 6(j) extending draft exemption to those who disclaim religious objections to war and whose views about war represent a purely personal code arising not from religious training and belief as the statute requires but from readings in philosophy, history, and sociology. Our obligation in statutory construction cases is to enforce the will of Congress, not our own; and as Mr. Justice HARLAN has demonstrated, construing s 6(j) to include Welsh exempts from the draft a class of persons to whom Congress has expressly denied an exemption.

For me that conclusion should end this case. Even if Welsh is quite right in asserting that exempting religious believers is an establishment of religion forbidden by the First Amendment, he nevertheless remains one of those persons whom Congress took pains not to relieve from military duty. Whether or not s 6(j) is constitutional, Welsh had no First Amendment excuse for refusing to report for induction. If it is contrary to the express will of Congress to exempt Welsh, as I think it is, then there is no warrant for saving the religious exemption and the statute by redrafting it in this Court to include Welsh and all others like him.

* * * * *

If I am wrong in thinking that Welsh cannot benefit from invalidation of s 6(j) on Establishment Clause grounds, I would nevertheless affirm his conviction; for I cannot hold that Congress violated the Clause in exempting from the draft all those who oppose war by reason of religious training and belief. In exempting religious conscientious objectors, Congress was making one of two judgments, perhaps both. First, s 6(j) may represent a purely practical judgment that religious objectors, however admirable, would be of no more use in combat than many others unqualified for military service. Exemption was not extended to them to further religious belief or practice but to limit military service to those who were prepared to undertake the fighting that the armed services have to do. On this basis, the exemption has neither the primary purpose nor the effect of furthering religion. As Mr. Justice Frankfurter, joined by Mr. Justice Harlan, said in a separate opinion in the Sunday Closing Law Cases, 366 U.S. 420, 468, 81 S.Ct. 1101, 1158, 6 L.Ed.2d 393 (1961), an establishment contention ‘can prevail only if the absence of any substantial legislative purpose other than a religious one is made to appear. See Selective Draft Law Cases, 245 U.S. 366, 38 S.Ct. 159, 62 L.Ed. 349.’

Second, Congress may have granted the exemption because otherwise religious objectors would be forced into conduct that their religions forbid and because in the view of Congress to deny the exemption would violate the Free Exercise Clause or at least raise grave problems in this respect. True, this Court has more than once stated its unwillingness to construe the First Amendment, standing alone, as requiring draft exemptions for religious believers. Hamilton v. Board of Regents, 293 U.S. 245, 263—264, 55 S.Ct. 197, 204—205, 79 L.Ed. 343 (1934); United States v. Macintosh, 283 U.S. 605, 623—624, 51 S.Ct. 570, 574—575, 75 L.Ed. 1302 (1931). But this Court is not alone in being obliged to construe the Constitution in the course of its work; nor does it even approach having a monopoly on the wisdom and insight appropriate to the task. Legislative exemptions for those with religious convictions against war date from colonial days. As Chief Justice Hughes explained in his dissent in United States v. Macintosh, supra, at 633, 51 S.Ct., at 578, the importance of giving immunity to those having conscientious scruples against bearing arms has consistently been emphasized in debates in Congress and such draft exemptions are “indicative of the actual operation of the principles of the Constitution.” However this Court might construe the First Amendment, Congress has regularly steered clear of free exercise problems by granting exemptions to those who conscientiously oppose war on religious grounds.

* * * * * *

The Establishment Clause as construed by this Court unquestionably has independent significance; its function is not wholly auxiliary to the Free Exercise Clause. It bans some involvements of the State with religion that otherwise might be consistent with the Free Exercise Clause. But when in the rationally based judgment of Congress free exercise of religion calls for shielding religious objectors from compulsory combat duty, I am reluctant to frustrate the legislative will by striking down the statutory exemption because it does not also reach those to whom the Free Exercise Clause offers no protection whatsoever.
I would affirm the judgment below.


__________






[1]Kent Greenawalt, Legislation: Statutory Interpretation: 20 Questions  29 (New York: Foundation Press, 1999).
[4]M. Vanel, Rep. Civ. Dalloz V° Code Civil n.2; J. C. Groshens, La codification par décret des lois et règlements, D. 1958, Chronique, 157.
[5]R.D. Encyclopaedia Universalis V° Codification.
[6]Ch. Osawke Louisiana legal system: A confluence of two legal traditions in ‘Law in the U.S.A. faces social and scientific change,’ 34 Am. J. Comp. L. 29 (1986).
[7] Herman, Llewellyn the Civilian: Speculations on the Contribution of Continental experience to the Uniform Commercial Code, 56 Tul. L. Rev. 1125 (1982).
[8] 1 G. Cornu, Droit Civil, Introduction—les personnes—les biens, no. 222 (2d ed. 1985).
[9] P. Orianne, Introduction au Système Juridique 98 (1982).
[10] 1 J. Carbonnier, Droit Civil—Introduction, les personnes, no. 15 (11th ed. 1979).
[11]Cited by 1 H. Mazeaud & L. Mazeaud & J. Mazeaud & F. Chabas, Lecons de droit civil, no. 45 (8th ed. 1986).
[12] R. Demogue, Les notions fondamentales de droit privé, 207 (1911). See more generally, La codification et l’évolution du droit, XVIIIth Congress of IDEF, Louisiana 1985, Revue Jur. et Politique 1986. See R. Sacco ‘Codificare: modo supezato di legiferare?’ Rivista di Diritto Civile 1983, 117 et seq.
[13] R. David, Les grands systèmes de droit contemporains, no. 469, 472 (8th ed. 1982), at no. 70.
[14]T. Huc, Commentaire théorique et pratique du code civil 37 (1892). Translation in Levasseur, On the Structure of a Civil Code, 44 Tul. L. Rev. 693, 697 (1970).
[15]1 P. Fenet, supra note 20; Levasseur, Code Napoleon or Code Portalis, 43 Tul. L. Rev. 762, 769-72 (1969). See also Diamond, 1973 Rev. Internationale de droit comparé 704, raising the question as to whether codification should only deal with general principles.

[16] 1 H. Mazeaud & L. Mazeaud & J. Mazeaud & F. Chabas, Lecons de droit civil, no. 43 (8th ed. 1986)
[17] G. Cornu, supra . . ., at no. 287; see also J. Ray, Essai sur la structure logique du Code Civil Francais (1926).
[18] G. Cornu, supra . . . , at no. 287; see also Arnaud, Les origines doctrinales du Code Civil francais IX Bibl. de philo. du Droit (1969); Essai d’analyse structurale du Code civil francais XVI Bibl. de philo. du Droit (1973).
[19] G. Cornu, supra . . , at no. 287.
[20] R. David, supra . . . , at no. 70.
[21] 1 C. Larroumet, Droit Civil—Introduction a l’étude du droit privé, no. 158 (1984).
[22] Id. at 695; Pothier, Introduction à la coutume D’Orléans (1670).
[23]1 G. Cornu, supra . . . , at no. 223; see more generally on the legal language, J. Bergel, Théorie générale du droit, no. 108 (1985); J. Sourioux & P. Lerat, Le language du droit (1975).
[24] Olivier, supra . . . 10.
[25] 1 A. Weill & F. Terré, Droit Civil—Introduction générale, no. 142 (4th ed. 1979), which cite Tallon, Codification and Consolidation of the Law at the Present Time, 14 Israel L. Rev. 1 (1979).
[26] 1 F. Gény, Méthode d’interpretation et sources en droit privé positif, no. 52 (1954); see also Hahlo, Codifying the common law, protracted gestation, 38 Modern L. Rev. 23 (1975).
[27] Law Reform Commission of Canada, Towards a Codification of Canadian Criminal Law, 1.36, p. 14 (1976).
[28] L. Scarman, English Law, the New Dimension 4 (1974).
[29] O’Neill, Preface to United States Code, at VII (1982 ed.).
[30] Cal. Code at v (West 1985).
[31] Ga. Code Ann. at ix (1982).
[32] 10 Cal. Code, at vi (West 1985).
[33] 1977 Ala. Acts 20, § 8; O’Neill, supra note 47.
[34] See, e.g., the first six titles of the U.S.C., 1982 Ed.
[35] Ga. Code Ann. at xi (1982).
[36]Usually, the legal literature on codification in America begins with the early nineteenth century, or even later, with David Dudley Field in the mid-nineteenth century. There are few exceptions. Varga starts in 1648 with the Book of the General Laws and Libertyes, see [Csaba Varga, Codification As a Socio-Historical Phenomenon (Sander Eszenyi et al. trans., 1991) (1979)], at 152, while Berger claims that codification “started as early as 1634, when Massachusetts envisaged the drafting of codes inspired by Natural Law.” Berger, supra note 14, at 152. Berger gives no sources and no evidence for his claim. It is unclear which code he is describing.
[37]  [Lawrence M. Friedman, A History of American Law 21, 112 (1985); and Friedrich Kessler et al., Contracts: Cases and Materials (1986)] at 90.
[38] Friedman, supra . . ., at 93.
[39]There has been an intense debate about the sources of the Digest. See Herman, supra note 326, at 31-32 nn.60-61.

[40] [David S. Clark, The Civil Law Influence on David Dudley Field’s Code of Civil Procedure, in The Reception of Continental Ideas in the Common Law World: 1820-1920, at 73 (Mathias Reimann ed., 1993)] (pointing out that Field made 59 trips to Europe during his lifetime).
[41] 1 David Dudley Field, Speeches, Arguments, and Miscellaneous Papers of David Dudley Field 326 (Abram P. Sprague ed., New York, Appleton and Co. 1884).
[42] 3 id. at 239.
[43] See Clark, supra . . . , at 87.
[44]The assertion of insignificance is doubtful because there are cases in which the Civil Codes were not irrelevant for the court’s decision. See, e.g., Palo Alto Town & Country Village, Inc. v. BBTC Co., 521 P.2d 1097 (1974).
[45] Guido Calabresi, A Common Law for the Age of Statutes 1 (1982).
[46]Law dictionaries can be another source of confusion. Note, for example, that former editions of Black’s Law Dictionary defined “codification” as a “[p]rocess of collecting and arranging the laws of a country or state into a code, i.e., into a complete system of positive law, scientifically ordered, and promulgated by legislative authority,” Black’s Law Dictionary 324 (4th ed. 1951); whereas, the most recent edition demands less by defining it as a “process of compiling, arranging, and systematizing the laws of a given jurisdiction, or of a discrete branch of the law, into an ordered code.” Black’s Law Dictionary 252 (7th ed. 1999).
[47]On the European continent, formal codification is particularly widespread in France (known as “codification formelle,” “codification à droit constant,” “codification administrative,” or “codification par décret”). See, e.g., Roger Saint-Alary, Les codifications administratives et le progrès du droit en France, 40 Revue juridique et politique 738 (1986); Christian Vigouroux, Alice au pays de la codification à droit constant, 82 Revue française d’administration publique 187 (1997). There is a special commission dealing with this kind of codification known as “Commission supérieure de codification” in France and “Bureau de coordination du Conseil d’État de Belgique” in Belgium. For France, see, for example, Yves Robineau, Les structures françaises: la Commission supérieure de codification, 82 Revue française d’administration publique 263 (1997). For Belgium, see, for example, Christian Lambotte, Une Expérience: Le Bureau de coordination du Conseil d’État de Belgique, 40 Revue juridique et politique 817 (1986). This type of codification also existed in the most extensive form in Russia with the process towards a Svod Zakonov. See, e.g., William E. Butler, Toward a Svod Zakonow for the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, in Codification in the Communist World 89 (Barry et al. eds., 1975).
[48]For the influence of Goldschmidt and the “Germanisten” on Llewellyn, see James Whitman, Commercial Law and the American Volk: A Note on Llewellyn’s German Sources for the Uniform Commercial Code, 97 Yale L.J. 156 (1987). On the impact of German legal ideas on Llewellyn in general and Jhering and Goldschmidt in particular, see Herman, supra note 17, at 427-31; and Ulrich Drobnig, Llewellyn and Germany, in Rechtsrealismus, mulitkulturelle Gesellschaft und Handelsrecht: Karl N. Llewellyn und seine Bedeutung heute 17 (Ulrich Drobnig & Manfred Rehbinder eds., 1994). Llewellyn is in this respect not exceptional among the legal realists. Legal realism is one of many examples in which the close connection between American and German legal thought is striking. See, e.g., James E. Herget & Stephen Wallace, The German Free Law Movement as the Source of American Legal Realism, 73 Va. L. Rev. 399 (1987).
[49]For a brief account of the history of the U.C.C. see, for example, Herman, supra note 17, at 427-32 (providing further references). For a detailed account of the history from 1940 to 1949, see Allen R. Kamp, Uptown Act: A History of the Uniform Commercial Code: 1940-49, 51 SMU L. Rev. 275 (1998).
[50]For an index of in-process drafts of U.C.C. acts with links to most recent drafts, see the Uniform Law Commissioners’ official website: The National Conference of Commissioners on Uniform State Laws--Drafts of Uniform and Model Acts--Official Site (visited Feb. 20, 2000) .
[51] Karl N. Llewellyn, The Needed Federal Sales Act, 26 Va. L. Rev. 558, 561 (1940).
[52]See, e.g., Grant Gilmore, Article 9: What It Does for the Past, 26 La. L. Rev. 285, 286 (1966); see also Berman, supra note 428, at 223 (claiming that the U.C.C. is no real codification because, for example, in cases of gaps the judge may still fall back on common law and equity). But see Frier, supra note 446, at 2201 n.4 (criticizing this argument).
[53]Arthur Rosett, Improving the Uniform Commercial Code (May 1997) < http://www.cnr.it/CRDCS/rosett2.htm>.
[54]Richard M. Buxbaum, Is the Uniform Commercial Code a Code?, in Rechtsrealismus, multikulturelle Gesellschaft und Handelsrecht--Karl N. Llewellyn und seine Bedeutung heute, supra note 436, at 197, 220.
[55]This assertion by Denis Tallon is explained in Diamond, supra . . . , at 379. Herman also doubts in this respect whether the U.C.C. qualifies as a codification, as certain subjects such as land transactions have not been regulated. See [Shael Herman, The Fate and the Future of Codification in America, 40 Am. J. Legal Hist. 407, 435 (1996)].
[56] [Arthur T. Von Mehren, Some Reflections on Codification and Case Law in the Twenty-First Century, U.C. Davis L. Rev. 659, 668 (1998) ].
[57] [[Mark D. Rosen, What Has Happened to the Common Law?--Recent American Codifications, and Their Impact on Judicial Practice and the Law’s Subsequent Development, 1994 Wis. L. Rev. 1119].
[58][ bid., 1119].
[59][Mark D. Rosen, What Has Happened to the Common Law?--Recent American Codifications, and Their Impact on Judicial Practice and the Law’s Subsequent Development, 1994 Wis. L. Rev. 1119, 1144-60]. The second category is further subdivided into eight interpretive approaches that courts have used when consulting extra-code materials, which span the range of having no impact on the primacy of a code’s text to significantly imperiling the centrality of the code. The groups are (a) citing to case law and articles to buttress unambiguous readings of the code and official comments on the code (the “belt and suspenders” approach, 21.3% of issues were resolved by reference to extra-code materials) (b) citing to pre-code legal materials to clarify the legal context in which the code rule was born (“contextualization,” 6.7%) (c) using case law and articles for the purpose of “concretizing” application of the code’s abstract terms (“concretization,” 41.4%) (d) relying on extra-code materials to resolve ambiguities and conflicts in the code itself (4.3%) (e) citing to case law and articles to fill intended or unintended lacunae in the codes (1.5% when a U.C.C. provision was considered, 2.8% when a provision of the Federal Rules of Evidence was analyzed) (f) utilizing case law as a supplement to the code (3.2%) (g) using case law as a “substitute” for the codes themselves (8.5%, but only very few significant alterations of the rule) and, finally, (h) relying on case law to “transform” the rule articulated by the code (0.3%). See generally id. Only the relatively rare cases of (g) and (h) threaten a codification, the others are common features of codification familiar to codified European legal systems.
[60] See Roscoe Pound, Sources and Forms of Law, 22 Notre Dame L. Rev. 1, 76 (1946). . . .
[61]Compare U.C.C. § 1-203 (1996) with BGB art. 242. Looking at case law on each, however, shows that U.C.C. § 1-203 is less important for the U.C.C. than BGB art. 242 is for the German Civil Code. In part, this can be explained by the fact that the U.C.C. is much younger and that the U.C.C. has already been supplemented substantially. General clauses, therefore, were less important to deal with fundamental changes in law and society than they were in case of the German Civil Code. See generally Allan E. Farnsworth, The Concept of “Good Faith” in American Law (April 1993) (explaining that it has been found difficult to adopt a general concept of good faith in England, while the United States has had a generally accepted concept of good faith for decades); Roy Goode, The Concept of “Good Faith” in English Law (March 1992) (same)
[62] See, e.g., Howard Foss, Interpreting the Uniform Commercial Code: Methodologies Used, Misused and Unused, 20 Golden Gate U. L. Rev. 29 (1990). . . .
[63]Generations of civil-law scholars, for example, have dealt with the partially unsolved and probably unsolvable problem of the relationship between and the order of the different classical methods of interpretation-- grammatical, historical, systematic, and teleological interpretation.
[64] Grant Gilmore, Legal Realism: Its Cause and Cure, 70 Yale L.J. 1037, 1043 (1961). . . .
[65][Konrad Zweigert & Hein Kötz, Einführung in die Rechtsvergleichung (1996) at 260-62]. In England, the House of Lords changed its theory of interpretation particularly under the impression of European law which is presently discussed under the keyword “Europeanization” of the English legal style. See, e.g., Litster v. Forth Dry Dock and Engineering Co., 1 All E.R. 1134 (H.L. 1989); Pickstone v. Freemans plc, 2 All E.R. 803 (H.L. 1988); Buchanan & Co. v. Babco Forwarding and Shipping Ltd., 1 All E.R. 208 (C.A. 1977); The Gradual Convergence, supra note 15; Jonathan E. Levitsky, The Europeanization of the British Legal Style, 42 Am. J. Comp. L. 347, 369-74 (1994); and Xavier Lewis, A Common Law Fortress Under Attack: Is English Law Being Europeanized?, 2 Colum. J. Eur. L. 1 (1996). For discussion of statutes and the common law from a Continental perspective, see Reinhard Zimmermann, Statuta Sunt Stricte Interpretanda?, 56 Cambridge. L.J. 315 (1997). For a comparative overview of statutory interpretation, see the reports in Interpreting Statutes: A Comparative Study (D. Neil MacCormick & Robert S. Summers eds., 1991).
The argument by analogy, one of the oldest methods of decision making, is employed in both English and Continental legal systems to justify judicial decisions. It may even provide sufficient common grounds for a distinct European method. See Katja Langenbucher, Argument by Analogy in European Law, 57 Cambridge L.J. 481 (1998) (offering a normative framework for arguments by analogy in European law that combines aspects of both legal systems). But see Tetley, supra note 9, at 615-17 (still presenting the classic way of distinguishing both legal systems by the function of statutes, the style of drafting of laws, and the interpretation of laws ignoring recent developments and changes).
[66]Stare decisis, the ruyles that determine that extent to which precedent is binding on courts, is treated in more detail later in these materials.  See Chapter ---, infra. 
[67]Cf. John Henry Merrymen et al., The Civil Law Tradition: Europe, Latin America, and East Asia. Michie 1994. pp. 447-454; 476-485.)
[68]Charles E. Clark, “The Union of Law and Equity,” 25 Columbia Law Review 1-10 (1925).
[69]P.S. Atiyah, “Common Law and Statute Law,” Modern Law Review 48(1): (1985),
[70]Ibid., 1.
[71]Ibid., 4-5.
[72]Ibid., 5.
[73]Ibid.
[74]Ibid., 20-22.
[75]Ibid., 27
[76]Ibid., 27.
[77]Jean Louis Bergela, Principal Features and Methods of Codification, 48 Louisiana Law Review 1073 (1988); and Gunther A, Weiss, The Enchantment Of Codification In The Common-Law World, 25 Yale Journal of International Law 435 (2000)

[78] 62 Stat. 612. See also 50 U.S.C.App. s 456(j). The pertinent provision as it read during the period relevant to this case is set out infra at 1794.
[79]62 Stat. 612. An amendment to the Act in 1967, subsequent to the Court's decision in the Seeger case, deleted the reference to a ‘Supreme Being’ but continued to provide that ‘religious training and belief’ does not include ‘essentially political, sociological, or philosophical views, or a merely personal moral code.’ 81 Stat. 104, 50 U.S.C.App. s 456(j) (1964 ed., Supp. IV).
[80] In his original application in April 1964, Welsh stated that he did not believe in a Supreme Being, but in a letter to his local board in June 1965, he requested that his original answer be stricken and the question left open. App. 29.
[81]For a discussion of those principles that determine the appropriate scope for the doctrine of stare decisis, see Moragne v. States Marine Lines, also decided today, 398 U.S. 375, 90 S.Ct. 1772, 26 L.Ed.2d 339 (1970); Boys Markets v. Retail Clerk's Union, 398 U.S. 235, 90 S.Ct. 1583, 26 L.Ed.2d 199 (1970); Helvering v. Hallock, 309 U.S. 106, 60 S.Ct. 444, 84 L.Ed. 604 (1940).
[82]The difference is between the substitution of judicial judgment for a principle that is set forth by the Constitution and legislature and the application of the legislative principle to a new ‘form’ that is no different in substance from the circumstances that existed when the principle was set forth. Cf. Katz v. United States, 389 U.S. 347, 88 S.C. 507, 19 L.Ed.2d 576 (1967). As the Court said in Weems v. United States, ‘Legislation, both statutory and constitutional, is enacted, * * * from an experience of evils, * * * its general language should not, therefore, be necessarily confined to the form that evil had theretofore taken. * * * (A) principle, to be vital, must be capable of wider application than the mischief which gave it birth.’ 217 U.S. 349, 373, 30 S.Ct. 544, 551, 54 L.Ed. 793 (1910) (emphasis added).
While it is by no means always simple to discern the difference between the residual principal in legislation that should be given effect in circumstances not covered by the express statutory terms and the limitation on that principle inherent in the same words, the Court in Seeger and the prevailing opinion today read out language that, in my view, plainly limits the principle rather than illustrates the policy and circumstances that were in mind when s 6(j) was enacted.
[83]The substitution in s 6(j) of ‘Supreme Being’ instead of ‘God’ as used in Macintosh does not, in my view, carry the burden, placed on it in the Seeger opinion, of demonstrating that Congress ‘deliberately broadened’ Chief Justice Hughes' definition. ‘God’ and ‘Supreme Being’ are generally taken as synonymous terms meaning Deity. It is common practice to use various synonyms for the Deity. The Declaration of Independence refers to ‘Nature's God,’ ‘Creator,’ ‘Supreme Judge of the world,’ and ‘divine Providence.’ References to the Deity in preambles to the state constitutions include, for example, and use interchangeably ‘God,’ ‘Almighty God,’ ‘Supreme Being.’ A. Stokes & L. Pfeffer, Church and State in the United States 561 (1964). In Davis v. Beason, 133 U.S. 333, 342, 10 S.Ct. 299, 300, 33 L.Ed. 637 (1890), the Court spoke of man's relations to his ‘Creator’ and to his ‘Maker’; in Zorach v. Clauson, 343 U.S. 306, 313, 72 S.Ct. 679, 683, 96 L.Ed. 954 (1952), and Engel v. Vitale, 370 U.S. 421, 424, 82 S.Ct. 1261, 1263, 8 L.Ed.2d 601 (1962), to the ‘Almighty.’
[84]The Seeger opinion relies on the absence of any allusion to the judicial conflict to parry the thrust of the legislative history and assigns significance to the Committee citation of Berman as manifestation of its intention to reenact s 5(g) of the 1940 Act, and also as authority for the exclusion of those whose beliefs are grounded in secular ethics. The citation to Berman would not be conclusive of congressional purpose if Congress had simply reenacted the 1940 Act adding only the express exclusion in the last clause. But the reasoning in Seeger totally ignores the fact that Congress without other apparent reason added the ‘Supreme Being’ language of the Berman majority in the face of the Berman dissent which espoused Judge Hand's view in Kauten. The argument in Seeger is not, moreover, strengthened by the fact that Congress in drafting the 1948 Selective Service laws placed great weight on the views of the Selective Service System which the Court suggested, did not view Berman and Kauten as being in conflict. 380 U.S., at 179, 85 S.Ct., at 860. The Selective Service System Monograph No. 11, Conscientious Objection (1950) was not before Congress when s 6(j) was enacted and the fact that the Service relied on both Kauten and Berman for the proposition that conscientious objection must emanate from a religious and not a secular source, does not mean that it considered the Supreme Being discussion in Berman as surplusage.
[85] New International Dictionary, Unabridged (2d ed. 1934).
[86]The prevailing opinion's purported recognition of this distinction slides over the ‘personal moral code’ exception, in s 6(j). Thus that opinion in concluding that s 6(j) does not exclude ‘those who hold strong beliefs about our domestic and foreign affairs or even those whose conscientious objection to participation in all wars is founded to a substantial extent upon considerations of public policy’ but excludes individuals, whose beliefs are not deeply held, and those whose objection to war does not rest upon ‘moral, ethical, or religious principle,’ but instead rests solely upon considerations of ‘policy, pragmatism, or expediency,’ ante, at 1798, blends morals and religion, two concepts that Congress chose to keep separate.
[87]The apparent purpose of the 1940 change in language was to eliminate membership as a decisive criterion in recognition of the fact that mere formal affiliation is no measure of the intensity of beliefs, and that many nominal adherents do not share or pursue the ethics of their church. That the focus was made the conscientiousness of the individual's own belief does not mean that Congress was indifferent to its source. Were this the case there would have been no occasion to allude to ‘religious training’ in the 1940 enactment, and to contrast it with secular ethics in the 1948 statute. Yet the prevailing opinion today holds that ‘beliefs that are purely ethical,’ no matter how acquired, qualify the holder for s 6(j) status if they are held with the requisite intensity.
However, even the prevailing opinion's ambulatory concept of ‘religion’ does not suffice to embrace Welsh, since petitioner insisted that his beliefs had been formed ‘by reading in the fields of history and sociology’ and ‘denied that his objection to war was premised on religious belief.’ 404 F.2d, at 1082. That opinion not only establishes a definition of religion that amounts to ‘Newspeak’ but it refuses to listen to petitioner who is speaking the same language.
[88]This Court has taken notice of the fact that recognized ‘religions' exist that ‘do not teach what would generally be considered a belief in the existence of God,’ Torcaso v. Watkins, 367 U.S. 488, 495 n. 11, 81 S.Ct. 1680, 1684, 6 L.Ed.2d 982, e.g. ‘Buddhism, Taoism, Ethical Culture, Secular Humanism and others.’ Ibid. See also Washington Ethical Society v. District of Columbia, 101 U.S.App.D.C. 371, 249 F.2d 127 (1957); 2 Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences, 293; J. Archer, Faiths Men Live By 120—138, 254—313 (2d ed. revised by Purinton 1958); Stokes & Pfeffer, supra, n. 3, at 560.
[89]As long as the Selective Service continues to grant exemptions to religious conscientious objectors, individuals like petitioner are not required to submit to induction. This is tantamount to extending the present statute to cover those in petitioner's position. Alternatively the defect of underinclusion that renders this statute unconstitutional could be cured in a civil action by eliminating the exemption accorded to objectors whose beliefs are founded in religion. The choice between these two courses is not one for local draft boards nor is it one that should await civil litigation where the question could more appropriately be considered. Consequently I deem it proper to confront the issue here, even though, as a technical matter, no judgment could issue in this case ordering the Selective Service to refrain entirely from granting exemptions.
[90]I reach these conclusions notwithstanding the admonition in United States v. Reese that it ‘is no part of (this Court's) duty’ ‘(t)o limit (a) statute in (such a way as) to make a new law, (rather than) enforce an old one.’ 92 U.S. 214, 221, 23 L.Ed. 563 (1876). See also Yu Cong Eng v. Trinidad, 271 U.S. 500, 46 S.Ct. 619, 70 L.Ed. 1059 (1926); Marchetti v. United States, 390 U.S. 39, 60, 88 S.Ct. 697, 708, 19 L.Ed.2d 889 (1968). Neither of these cases involved statutes evincing a congressional intent to confer a benefit on a particular group, thus requiring the frustration of third-party beneficiary legislation when the acts were held invalid. Moreover, the saving construction in Marchetti would have thwarted, not complemented, the primary purpose of the statute by introducing practical difficulties into that enforcement of state gambling laws that the statute was designed to further.
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